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<p class="date">07 September 2010</p> <p>With permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a statement about the floods in Pakistan. I am sure that Members of all parties will wish to express their profound sadness at the terrible suffering and devastation that the catastrophe has caused. Our thoughts are with all those families, both in Pakistan and here, whose lives have been touched by this terrible natural disaster.</p> <p>It is now nearly a month since the devastating floods hit Pakistan, and it is almost impossible to describe the magnitude of what has happened. Ten years' equivalent of rainfall fell in one week, and subsequently a wall of water has travelled 1,200 miles down the country. Some 12.5 million people are in need of immediate assistance and 1.2 million homes have been damaged or destroyed. More than 1 million head of livestock have been lost and 3.5 million hectares of standing crops damaged or lost. The estimated cost to Pakistan's economy this year alone is $4 billion.</p> <p>Britain will continue to do everything we can to help. I am particularly concerned about the potential for a secondary humanitarian public health crisis due to the slow draining of waters from Sindh province and parts of Punjab, the lack of access to clean water and sanitation facilities, and inadequate health facilities to treat the outbreak of water-borne disease. I have discussed all those concerns on a number of occasions with the United Nations Secretary-General, and he has assured me that the UN, working with partners on the ground, will do all it can to respond to the threat.</p> <p>I am pleased to be able to say that the UK has been at the forefront of the international community's response to the disaster and was the first major country to come to Pakistan's support in significant scale in its hour of need. The Department for International Development has sent 3,500 all-weather tents to provide shelter for up to 10,000 people. More plane loads of aid quickly followed, providing tents, shelter kits, water containers and blankets to help many thousands more affected by the floods. We have drawn upon all resources available to the Government. The Royal Air Force has flown in five plane loads of relief, and I am sure that the whole House will join me in paying tribute to the contribution of our armed forces in this crisis.</p> <p>Our assistance to date includes help for 500,000 malnourished children and pregnant or breastfeeding women through the provision of high-energy food supplements, treatment for severely malnourished children and the training of health workers. We are providing safe drinking water, sanitation and hygiene for 800,000 people, and have prioritised clean water and health interventions in Punjab and Sindh. Our support is helping to provide hygiene kits for more than 500,000 people and is being channelled through Save the Children, Concern and Oxfam. We are also providing shelter for up to 40,000 households through the Pakistan Red Crescent movement and working closely with Islamic Relief.</p> <p>In addition, I am pleased to announce the overnight arrival in Karachi, in Pakistan, of the first of three new flights delivering DFID relief goods. It will bring much needed water purification units, pumps and water tanks to assist those in desperate need of clean drinking water. The other two flights will carry a range of items, including water carriers and shelter kits. We are also starting emergency production lines in two factories in Pakistan to produce hygiene kits and water containers that will help stop the spread of water-borne diseases in southern Pakistan, and are helping to set up an emergency field operation and co-ordination base camp near Sukkur to provide a base for relief workers in the middle of the worst flood-affected area.</p> <p>My Department has also brought forward a bridge rehabilitation programme as part of the recovery effort. The first 10 bridges left Tilbury docks last week and will arrive in Karachi later this month. That assistance will help to open access routes and reduce the pressure on much-needed air assets.</p> <p>Soon after the flooding started, I travelled to Pakistan with my right hon. and noble Friend Baroness Warsi to see for myself the devastation. I visited the town of Pir Sabaq in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province and saw the 12 foot-high watermarks on the remaining walls of the houses. It is not easy to imagine the terror and panic that must have affected particularly older, less mobile people and children as the mountain of water swept through the town. I know that the Deputy Prime Minister's visit to Pakistan last week made a similarly deep impression on him. During our visits, the Deputy Prime Minister and I discussed the situation with President Zardari and Prime Minister Gilani, as well as with representatives of UN agencies, non-governmental organisations and donors.</p> <p>Following my visit to Pakistan, I went immediately to attend the UN General Assembly special session on the Pakistan floods, to support the UN Secretary-General's appeal. The initial response of the international community was woefully inadequate. I used that meeting to encourage other nations to contribute more and announced the doubling of the UK's contribution to the relief effort to £64 million. We have consistently worked to co-ordinate the effort of the donor community and on the ground with Pakistan's National Disaster Management Authority, under the experienced leadership of General Nadeem. The Pakistan authorities, the Pakistan Red Crescent Society and local and international agencies, including many brilliant British non-governmental organisations, have worked tirelessly throughout. We will continue to work closely with all partners to ensure that the response is as effective as it can be.</p> <p>I should like to assure the House that my Department has throughout been committed to transparency and achieving value for money. We have not simply signed a cheque and handed it over. Our contributions to this humanitarian crisis have been based on detailed and rigorous assessments of needs on the ground. We are working night and day to ensure that every penny spent achieves a meaningful output that alleviates the suffering of the victims of this disaster. We have recently put a floods monitor on DFID's website to enable everyone to see where and how British aid is being spent to help those affected by the floods in Pakistan. All the UK's humanitarian assistance is provided through impartial agencies or through goods in kind.</p> <p>I should also like to express my profound gratitude and respect for the unstinting hard work and skill shown by all British Government officials-both in DFID and from across Whitehall-throughout this emergency.</p> <p>In addition to the UK taxpayer's contribution, the British people have once again demonstrated their compassion and generosity. I am sure all hon. Members will wish to join me in commending the magnificent response from the British public, who have committed more than £47 million to the Disasters Emergency Committee appeal. We continue to urge people to give, and to give generously, to that appeal.</p> <p>Our commitment is not just for the current emergency relief phase but also for the long haul. We will remain at Pakistan's side to help people to rebuild their lives and livelihoods. We will also support the longer-term reconstruction needs, such as schools, health clinics and other essential infrastructure, which are being considered as part of the bilateral aid review of our development programme.</p> <p>Although the floods have been a terrible tragedy, their aftermath offers a genuine opportunity for Pakistan. It is an opportunity for the international community to come together and provide exceptional support to Pakistan in its hour of need, but equally, the situation offers an unprecedented opportunity for the Government of Pakistan to drive forward a radical economic reform agenda that could make a real difference to the future of the country.</p> <p>The UK and Pakistan are bound together by bonds of history and family, which underline our support for Pakistan in good times and in bad. The Pakistani diaspora living in Britain ensures that our two countries remain closely linked. This bond will remain strong over the coming months and years, as we work together to help Pakistan to recover from this unprecedented catastrophe.</p> 2011-03-08 22:01:41 http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Statement-to-House-of-Commons-on-the-Pakistan-floods-from-Secretary-of-State-for-International-Development-Andrew-Mitchell/ Andrew Mitchell Statement to House of Commons on the Pakistan floods from Secretary of State for International Development Andrew Mitchell 07 September 2010 Department for International Development House of Commons
<p class="date">14 July 2010</p> <p>I am delighted to be here with you today to mark World Population Day and delighted to take on the job of PUSS at DFID.</p> <p>It is a real pleasure to be able to meet you all this evening and I’d like to thank our hosts, the All Party Group, IPPF and the other co-sponsors for hosting this event.</p> <p>I’m also very happy to be able to congratulate Jenny Tonge on becoming the new Chair of the All Party Group.  I know Chris McCafferty did a great job, so Jenny has big shoes to fill – but she has a great track record on all of the issues the group stands for; she is a passionate and knowledgeable advocate for women’s rights and will, I have no doubt, take the Group from strength to strength.</p> <p>I will talk about Reproductive and Maternal Health in a moment- but first I’d like to say a few words about how the UK will be doing development under the coalition Government.</p> <p>We have promised to enshrine in law Britain’s commitment to spend 0.7% of GNI on overseas aid from 2013 – and we are taking a good look at just what that will look like.</p> <p>Our new agenda has some new watch words: including value for money and accountability and transparency. </p> <p>Value for money has always been important but never more so than now.  With the international development budget ring fenced in the Chancellor’s recent emergency budget, the eyes of Whitehall – and the UK - are on us and we must therefore demonstrate, with crystal clarity, that we are delivering better aid, that is much more clearly focussed, and above all gets results.  It will be the outcomes and outputs that matter most.  </p> <p>We are reviewing our bilateral and multilateral programmes as well as our humanitarian response, so that we keep a ruthless focus on results – shifting resources towards the successes and away from the failures.  These reviews are a necessary precursor to building our strategic approaches to sexual and reproductive health and family planning.</p> <p>And accountability and transparency will also affect every facet of the aid programme.  Colleagues here in Parliament – in the All Party Parliamentary Groups and the International Development Committee - have always held DFID to account for the taxpayers’ funds it spends – but we want to go further than that and have launched the new UK Aid Transparency Guarantee – which will help to make aid much more transparent to people in the UK and in developing countries.</p> <p>Today, though, we’re here to mark World Population Day – and UNFPA’s theme for this year – Everyone Counts – is a brilliant reminder for us all of the importance to development of accurate data.  <br>Good data is just as important for measuring effectiveness of the UK’s aid efforts as it is for governments in developing countries to know their population projections so they can plan for better services; so they can prioritise where the needs are greatest and where they will become even more pressing in the years ahead.</p> <p>Andrew Mitchell, our new Secretary of State, made his first speech in the US a couple of weeks ago.  He pledged then that the new Government would make a serious commitment to tackling the tragedy of the thousands of women who die each year from pregnancy-related causes.  Today I want to reiterate that commitment.</p> <p>All of us in the room know all too well the stark numbers that for too long have gone with this territory.  One number resonates above all the others. That each year, more than a third of a million women die due to complications in pregnancy or child birth.  And we know that when a mother dies in childbirth, there is a very real chance her child will die within a few months too.</p> <p>This is the reality.  Day in.  Day out.  Across sub-Saharan Africa and in parts of south Asia.  Where women and girls face the risks of pregnancy and childbirth.</p> <p>But we think it’s time to face up to the realities and work with the world as it is.</p> <p>The reality that over 200 million women around the world, who want to avoid a pregnancy – who want to decide whether and when to have children - are unable to access the modern contraceptives they need.</p> <p>And the reality that for many women, faced with an unintended pregnancy, is that they are desperate enough to risk their lives by resorting to an unsafe abortion.</p> <p>And in facing up to these realities – not of modern life – let’s be equally real here – women have been facing these issues for centuries – in facing up to these realities, we must offer women the choices they crave.</p> <p>With better access to education, we know – because Gill tells us this time and again – we know that women will choose more for their children rather than to have more children.</p> <p>We must start to close the unmet need for modern contraceptives – and DFID is ready to do more in this area – the coalition Government has made a positive start.</p> <p>One of the very first programmes which Andrew Mitchell approved on taking office was a 5-year programme of DFID funding for Uganda to enable UNFPA to better support the Government of Uganda to deliver their National Population Policy. </p> <p>In providing this support we recognise that rapid population growth is a critical constraint to sustained, rapid economic and social development in Uganda. DFID is also supporting UNFPA with interim funding for emergency procurement of contraceptive supplies in order to manage a financing gap and avoid stock outs. </p> <p>Yes, family planning is cost effective and saves women’s’ lives – But the benefits of giving women choice go much wider.  It improves newborn and child health outcomes, and it empowers women and enables them to engage in education and economic activity.</p> <p>But if we are serious about saving women’s lives we must have the will to work for better access to safe abortion.  As Hillary Clinton said in her confirmation hearing before the US Congress “abortion should be safe, legal and rare”.  </p> <p>A word to both sides of the lobby here – working for better – for universal – access to family planning means reducing recourse to abortion. </p> <p>Abortion isn’t family planning – ICPD tells us that and we continue to fully support the whole of the ICPD Programme of Action. But family planning helps avoid abortion.</p> <p>Family planning also works directly for women’s health – if women can realise their rights – their choice - to avoid pregnancy, they radically reduce their risk of dying in pregnancy.  It’s that clear.</p> <p>We are continuing to play our part in working for safer delivery for pregnant women – the G8 last month launched the Muskoka Initiative, a comprehensive and integrated approach to accelerate progress towards MDGs 4 and 5 that will significantly reduce the number of maternal, newborn and under five child deaths in developing countries. </p> <p>And David Cameron signalled his personal commitment to our cause putting the UK squarely at the front of efforts to reduce the numbers of mothers and babies dying in pregnancy and childbirth.</p> <p>The UK is a key partner and supporter of the UN Secretary General’s Global Effort to advance progress on women’s and children’s health. The MDG Summit in September provides a historic opportunity to deliver for women and children. </p> <p>We are working for the endorsement of a Joint Action Plan that will deliver ambitious commitments for women and children and hold governments and others to account to improve reproductive and maternal health. Donors must play their part, as must partner countries, philanthropists, civil society and the private sector. The UK Government is playing its part in supporting this Global Effort and I encourage all of you here today to join us. </p> <p>As I close, I just want to highlight again the importance of the theme of World Population Day – the need for better, accurate and timely data.  </p> <p>Without good data we are simply stumbling around in the dark.  With better information, we can make better decisions and ultimately get better health outcomes.</p> <p>I also want to mention very briefly the P word - Population.</p> <p>Many of you will have been at the Symposium today at the London School (for Hygiene and Tropical medicine) looking at the interactions of population growth with health, poverty, food, water, climate change.  I am sorry I couldn’t be there but have heard briefly about some of the talking points.</p> <p>The data projections tell us that global population will grow from 6.8 billion today to 9.2 billion by 2050.  An increase of 35% – but even this rate of growth assumes a significant fall in the global fertility rate – and that will only be achieved if we meet the unmet demand for family planning.  </p> <p>If there is no collective action – on the part of national governments and the international community - in responding to the voices of poor women and providing universal access to family planning – then the projection is for the global population to grow to 10.5 billion.</p> <p>The challenge of providing basic services in countries across Africa, like Ethiopia, Kenya, Malawi, Niger and Uganda, - where the populations will at least double, sometimes triple and, in Niger, quadruple – will be immense.  I hope your symposium today took us closer to some much needed answers.</p> <p>But one fact around high fertility is certain – amongst the poorest women, high fertility is inextricably linked to high maternal mortality.</p> <p>Our shared mission is to start to change that reality.</p> <p>Thank you.</p> 2011-03-08 21:44:55 http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/World-Population-Day/ Stephen O'Brien World Population Day 14 July 2010 Department for International Development All Party Parliamentary Group on Population, Development and Reproductive Health
<p class="date">13 July 2010</p> <p>As Minister for International Development, my mandate is to help eliminate poverty around the world.  It is the world’s poorest people who will be hit first and hardest by climate change, who are least responsible for its causes, and are least able to cope with its effects. This is why addressing climate change is a key priority for DFID and why everyone in this room should be driven to do something about it.</p> <p>Before continuing, let me thank the organisers for their kind invitation to speak and for their work in putting this conference together. The Commonwealth Parliamentary Association is an excellent forum for parliamentarians from across the Commonwealth to share ideas, work together and foster better relations between our countries. This event promises to be a productive one, on an essential topic.</p> <p>This session is looking at vulnerability to climate change. My focus today will be on the vulnerability of the poorest countries to climate change, how the UK is supporting poor countries to tackle climate change and why we must continue to work together to address this major global challenge.</p> <p>Vulnerability around the world and the UK’s response</p> <p>I said a moment ago that the poorest will be hit first and hardest by climate change. The truth is they have already been hit first, and will continue to be hit hardest.  For many people around the world climate change is not a future threat, it is a current reality.  </p> <p>The poorest people are most vulnerable for a number of reasons. They are heavily dependent on agriculture and have few resources to draw upon when hit by a flood or drought. Poor people are also more likely to live in areas at risk to climate change, such as the tropics, which are already being affected worst by climate change. Furthermore, poor people are often marginalised from decision-making processes and their needs are often overlooked by governments.</p> <p>This is why a global deal on climate change that limits emissions is so important for the poorest people in the poorest countries. We will all have a role to play in forming country positions which make a deal fair and achievable.</p> <p>But even if we succeed in the hugely challenging goal of limiting the temperature rise to 2 degrees Celsius, as set out in the Copenhagen Accord, millions of people, especially the poor, will still face enormous challenges. </p> <h3>Africa</h3> <p>Let us begin by turning to Africa. I was born in Tanzania and raised in Kenya and am lucky enough to have visited the continent often as part of All Party Parliamentary Groups on Tanzania, Trade and Debt as well as Malaria and Neglected Tropical Diseases. </p> <p>Two thirds of the surface of Sub-Saharan Africa is desert or dry land. On the continent as a whole, around 200 million people – a quarter of the population - currently experience high water stress. As global temperatures increase, so too does the scarcity of water. Indeed, by some estimates, by the 2050s the number of Africans experiencing high water stress could triple.</p> <p>Testimonies from pastoralists in Kenya tell a vivid story of their changing climate. They speak of higher temperatures and a reduction in the flow of the Ewaso Nyero river. <br>Water is getting scarcer and pastoralists find themselves digging deeper and deeper wells. This sometimes means finding water “9-people” deep - in that it takes 9 people, one above the other, to pass the water out. Life is tough for pastoral communities in Kenya and it is getting tougher. </p> <p>This is why the UK government is supporting communities to adapt to the impacts of climate change. In Malawi, the UK is helping farmers to plant more drought-resistant maize. Similarly, in Ethiopia, we are helping farmers to adapt their farming practices to different weathers and rainfall patterns. </p> <p>Climate change also has a knock-on effect on other development challenges. For example, in some places, the pattern of vector-borne diseases such as Malaria and Dengue Fever will change. In Kenya, UK support is helping to predict new peaks in malaria outbreaks before they happen – this is in addition to providing 17 million insecticide treated bed nets over the last 8 years, reducing under-5 mortality by nearly a half.</p> <h3>South Asia</h3> <p>In South Asia, rising sea levels also pose an enormous threat. Agricultural plains are increasingly threatened by saltwater intrusion and some low-lying islands face a threat to their very existence. Flooding in Bangladesh and India alone results in an estimated 4 million tons of rice per year being lost – enough to feed 30 million people. More will be lost as floods become more frequent and more severe. With nearly half of all children in South Asia under-nourished, this will take a mighty toll. </p> <p>This is why the UK is supporting the government of Bangladesh to adapt to climate change. For example, UKaid has helped to raise 90,000 homes onto earth platforms, protecting more than 400,000 people and their possessions from severe monsoon floods.</p> <p>Forests are also important globally and in South Asia. They play a key role in storing carbon but also providing livelihoods and acting as sponges, holding water and releasing it slowly. </p> <p>UKaid is helping over half a million households in Nepal – equivalent to a tenth of Nepal’s population – to make a living from the nation’s forests. This has helped to increase average household income by 60% over the last 5 years and helps to save an estimated 1.2 million tonnes of carbon every year.</p> <h3>Future policy</h3> <p>As we ramp up our efforts to tackle climate change we should therefore focus on four things. </p> <p>First and foremost, we must work towards an ambitious global climate deal that will limit emissions. If global action is not taken it will be impossible to limit the global temperature rise to two degrees celsius above pre-industrial levels and avoid potentially catastrophic climate change. </p> <p>The international community needs to come together to agree a deal that is fair for the developing world and makes available substantial financial resources for adaptation and mitigation. The UK government has committed to provide £1.5 billion in Fast-Start finance from 2010 to 2012 as well as help the very poorest developing countries to take part in international climate change negotiations.</p> <p>Secondly, we must make certain climate change is considered a key priority for all our governments. Countries such as Bangladesh are showing the way by integrating climate change into national development plans. Others should learn from them. And the international community must help by providing expertise and finance.</p> <p>Thirdly, we need to ensure all our aid is ‘climate smart’. This means ensuring all development interventions take into account, and are resilient to, the impacts of climate change. Making aid ‘climate smart’ will help ensure that for every pound we spend, we demonstrate 100 pence of value. Value for money means every hospital, school or road we build is built where it will last and not where it is susceptible to being washed away or blown away. </p> <p>Within my own Department we are also integrating climate change into all our development planning and ensuring programme decisions respond strategically to the impacts of climate change. Tanzania, Ethiopia, India and Nepal are amongst the first to pilot different approaches with Rwanda and the Caribbean embarking on similar exercises soon. </p> <p>Fourthly, we need to improve our understanding of the impacts of climate change. I have already outlined some major trends and implications across regions but we need to continue to build understanding of what climate change means on the local level, where will be affected and when. </p> <p>The UK is supporting programmes to improve climate change analysis in Africa and identify how countries can become more resilient to its impacts. In Kenya, Rwanda and Burundi, DFID has funded ground breaking studies to help identify the current and potential future economic costs of climate change. </p> <h3>Closing summary</h3> <p>Poverty and climate change have been described as the two defining challenges of the 21st century. Failure to tackle one means failure to tackle the other. I believe we all have a role to play in ensuring an outcome that brings a better, more prosperous future for the world’s poorest, and for the global community as a whole.  Addressing climate change requires strong leadership and political will. And that is where we, as parliamentarians, can all play our crucial role.</p> <p>Thank you.<br></p> 2011-03-08 21:44:56 http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/From-Global-to-Local-Climate-Change-Post-Copenhagen/ Stephen O'Brien From global to local: Climate change post-Copenhagen. 13 July 2010 Department for International Development 3rd Commonwealth Parliamentary Association’s International Conference
<p class="date">07 July 2010</p> <p>The new UK Government places a high value on transparency of government spending, and nowhere does this apply more appropriately than to aid spending.  Aid transparency is critical to improve value for money and accountability.  I strongly believe that the public has a right to access information about the aid we provide so as much as possible should be released. We should support those who want to analyse and use data to hold us and developing country governments accountable for using aid money wisely. We live in a post-bureaucratic age in which information needs to be diffused and democratised, so we can use it to improve the quality of aid programmes.  This is why I have recently launched a UK Aid Transparency Guarantee and taken decisions to make DFID more transparent.  I wish you well in delivering your agenda today and urge you to join us in being as ambitious as possible.  The agreements you reach here today could deliver the real change in aid transparency that is so urgently needed.</p> 2011-03-08 21:44:57 http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/International-Aid-Transparency-Initiative/ unknown Statement on aid transparency 07 July 2010 Department for International Development International Aid Transparency Initiative meeting
<p class="date">01 July 2010</p> <h3>Written Ministerial Statement to Parliament</h3> <p>The Secretary of State for International Development (Mr. Andrew Mitchell): </p> <p>Following the last Government’s statement about the situation in TCI in October 2009, I would like to update the House.  The financial situation in TCI has worsened to the point where it was not possible for its government to meet its June financial commitments, including payment of public sector salaries. Without immediate UK support, TCI would fall further into economic crisis. </p> <p>Following discussions with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, I have decided to provide a temporary package of financial support. This support is conditional on the TCI Government strengthening its capacity and systems to manage its public finances, and balancing its budget within the next three years.  We are finalising the details of the package, which we want to put in place together with commercial lenders over the coming months.  We intend these arrangements to be at or near zero cost to HMG over the medium term. </p> <p>In order to address the immediate shortfall, we last week agreed a short term loan of up to £10 million to help meet unavoidable commitments including staff salaries for the police, health and education services.  This loan will be repaid in full as soon as the package outlined above is in place.  Our aim is to restore and firmly embed the principles of sound financial management, sustainable development and good governance.  This should help rebuild confidence in TCI and its ability to manage its public finances.</p> 2011-03-08 21:44:57 http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Turks-and-Caicos-Islands-TCI-Financial-Stability/ Andrew Mitchell Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI) Financial Stability 01 July 2010 Department for International Development Parliament
<p class="date">28 June 2010</p> <h3>Statement delivered by Secretary of State for International Development Andrew Mitchell to the ECOSOC 2010 High-Level Segment</h3> <p>Good morning.</p> <p>It is a great honour to address this year’s opening session of the ECOSOC High-Level Segment. I am particularly pleased that the focus of this meeting is gender equality and the role of women in development, peace and security. This is an issue that we in the United Kingdom consider to be particularly important.  I hope that, over the next few days, the ideas we share and the commitments we make will stimulate a renewed international effort to support the opportunities, rights, health and status of women and girls around the world. As I said in my speech at the Carnegie Institute on Friday, the place of women and girls in development generally is impossible to overstate. </p> <p>Promoting gender equality is vital for meeting the MDGs and for creating a prosperous, safe and peaceful world. Where women have better access to health services, to education and to economic growth their children are healthier and better educated. As a result, economies flourish and societies are more peaceful. </p> <p>By contrast, where women and girls are treated as inferior to men and boys, a vicious circle of limited education, poor employment opportunities, ill-health, forced marriage and, all too frequently, violence and exploitation can be established and perpetuated. Focussing more support on girls offers an opportunity to replace that vicious cycle with a virtuous one that puts women at the heart of their families and their communities.  As a result women are able to bring in money to their families, get involved with local enterprises and make sure their children are educated. These are all vital agents of change.</p> <p>The United Nations has an important leadership role on gender equality. It is good to see that it has recognised and reflected the need to do more. However, may I beg to suggest more needs to be done. The High Level Plenary Meeting on the MDGs in September is an important opportunity to put investment in women and girls at the very centre of an action agenda to meet the MDGs by 2015. October will mark the tenth anniversary of the historic Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security to which the Secretary General referred. This resolution recognised the vital role played by women in preventing and resolving conflict. I think, for example, of the brave Liberian women who, in 2003, stood in their capital city dressed in white and refusing to move until peace was reached. </p> <p>While women have a role in combating violence they are also disproportionately affected by it, especially sexual violence in driving conflict.  In February, the UN recognised the urgency of the situation by appointing its first Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict, I applaud the UN’s work in this area and call on the international community to continue its work to protect women and to give them a greater role in creating peace. </p> <p>The UN must also maintain and strengthen its support for all women. It must show leadership by mainstreaming and prioritising gender equality in all its work. It must ensure that its efforts are as coherent and effective as possible in support of women’s empowerment, and in the promotion and protection of women’s rights and security. I understand negotiations to establish a single, composite UN body to lead this crucial agenda may – at last – be near a conclusion. I urge all member states to finish this process quickly so that the new entity can start work as soon as possible. </p> <p>This requires flexibility. And it requires a practical approach – putting aside ideology and politics in favour of common sense and determination to make a real difference to real women in real time in the real world. To that end, the new entity must be established and managed in a way which will command the confidence of the financial contributors whose support it needs. I look forward to the appointment of a strong and committed leader with the skills and enthusiasm to ensure the new entity lives up to our expectations. I urge all of you here today to instruct your teams to go the final distance to make this happen. </p> <p>There are now just five years remaining before we reach the target dates set for the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. It is clear that we will only achieve those goals by putting a renewed focus on gender equality and women’s empowerment. I hope that through our discussions this week we can shine a spotlight on the rights and opportunities of women throughout the world. In doing so, we must pay particular attention to the issues of reproductive and maternal health.</p> <p>Maternal health is the most off-track of all the MDGs. Nowhere is this more evident than in fragile and conflict-affected settings. People living in these countries account for around one fifth of the population of the developing world, but disproportionately, for around three-quarters of the total number of infant and under five deaths. They also represent some three-quarters of births that take place unsupported by medical attendance.</p> <p>Despite signs of recent progress, more than a third of a million women die due to complications in pregnancy or child birth each and every year. The majority of those deaths occur in low and middle income countries, with young women particularly vulnerable. Girls between the ages of fifteen and nineteen are twice as likely to die as those in their twenties. </p> <p>It doesn’t have to be like this. As Melinda Gates said earlier this month, “it’s not that we don’t know what to do or that we can’t do it. It’s that we haven’t chosen to.” We have within our grasp a golden opportunity, a perfect moment when we have the technology and the political will, if not to eradicate maternal mortality then to reduce it significantly.</p> <p>Tackling this MDG is therefore a major priority of the UK’s new coalition government shown by our commitment to reach 0.7% by 2013 and enshrine this into law. Last Friday, our Prime Minister David Cameron called on the G8 to agree a strong package of support for maternal health focussed around good quality care and stronger health systems. </p> <p>The UN can increase its impact on important issues such as maternal mortality by using its resources and skills more strategically and adopting innovative approaches such as Delivering as One. </p> <p>The Delivering as One approach allows the efforts of UN agencies in country to be coordinated, targeted and more responsive to the needs of country government, leading to more effective - and efficient - results on the ground. Innovative changes of this kind in the UN system are essential if it is to do more to improve the lives of women and girls worldwide, and to support wider development issues.</p> <p>I applaud and wholeheartedly support the leadership shown by the UN Secretary General in launching a Global Effort to advance progress on Women’s and Children’s Health and support the SG’s words on this today.  This provides a historic opportunity to deliver for women and children. Only through concerted international effort will we finally put an end to the travesty that is mothers dying on the very day that should be one of the happiest of their lives.  Donors must play their part, partner countries too, but now is the time for the private sector to step up and contribute, alongside civil society and philanthropists.  Together we can achieve this goal and ensure a better future for the world's poorest women and children. The UK will play its part in supporting this effort and I encourage other member states to do so as well.  </p> <p>Maternal health is not just about giving birth. It is about giving women choice about whether and when they have children.  </p> <p>A quarter of all women in Sub-Saharan Africa want to delay or avoid their next pregnancy. These women want more for their children, not more children. Globally, more than 215 million women who want to delay, space or stop having children, do not have access to modern methods of family planning. This unmet demand has real consequences for people’s lives. As indeed, does  the 75 million unintended pregnancies that each year result in some 20 million unsafe abortions and nearly 70,000 maternal deaths. </p> <p>Improving reproductive and maternal health is the linchpin of poverty eradication and it is only through giving women greater choice and access to family planning and safer births that we will lift communities from desperate poverty. Over the coming months and years I shall ensure Britain embeds making progress on this in all our bilateral programmes, working closely with UN Agencies where there are opportunities to take this valid agenda forward. </p> <p>Ladies and Gentlemen, the evidence shows overwhelmingly that we will not be able to solve many of the problems facing our world today without an increased and sustained focus on girls and women. My hope is that this year’s Economic and Social Council will draw international attention to this pressing issue and will secure broad support for reforms and innovations that enable the UN to contribute more effectively to gender equality. In that way we can take advantage of this historic opportunity to empower women and girls and accelerate progress towards the MDGs.</p> <p>Thank you.<br></p> 2011-03-08 21:44:58 http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Andrew-Mitchell-speech-to-UN-Economic-and-Social-Council/ Andrew Mitchell Andrew Mitchell speech to UN Economic and Social Council 28 June 2010 Department for International Development ECOSOC 2010 High-Level Segment
<p class="date">26 June 2010</p> <h3>Secretary of State Andrew Mitchell's first overseas speech given at Carnegie Endowment, Washington DC, Friday 25 June.</h3> <p>As world leaders gather for the G8 Summit, I want today to argue that, over the course of the next five years, we have the means and the opportunity to put to an end some of the most egregious problems facing the world today. But that the only way we will do so is by putting women front and centre of all our efforts. Most importantly, I will argue that this is a perfect moment when, with political will and with leadership, we can change the course of history. </p> <p>Our generations are the first that can make a real difference to the discrepancy of wealth and opportunity which exists around the world today. We know so much  more about what works and we know what needs to be done. We understand, for example, that it is conflict ultimately which mires people in poverty. If I think about those dreadful refugee camps that I've seen around the world, in Darfur and on the Burma/Thai border, if you are languishing in one of those camps, it doesn't matter how much access to aid and to trade and to money which you have, until the conflict is over you are going to remain poor and miserable and fightened and dispossessed. And in just the same way we know that it is conflict which mires people in poverty and condemns them to stay there, so we now have learnt and generally accept that it is free trade and the private sector and wealth creation and enterprise and jobs which lift people out of poverty. And I must emphasize the importance, which should never be forgotten, on bringing the Doha round to a successful conclusion. A successful conclusion to the Doha round, and on any basis at all, would mean an increase in world trade of about $300 billion and the total amount of aid flows across the world is something like $150 billion. So the importance of the Doha trade round should never be forgotten. And lastly that money, aid spent well, works miracles, not least when we are talking about maternal health. This is the context within which I want to set my comments today. </p> <h3>Introduction</h3> <p>Ladies and Gentlemen, this is my first overseas speech since becoming Secretary of State for International Development and I can think of no better place to deliver it than here, in the home of philanthropy: the Carnegie Endowment; and in that great hothouse of free thought that is Washington DC. And I’d like to congratulate Carnegie as they celebrate their Centennial this year. We have a great dialogue with Carnegie and regard Tom [Carothers] as a member of the Department for International Development family in Britain. </p> <p>So, let me begin by paying tribute to President Obama and Secretary Clinton for their commitment to global development. I salute too, the tireless battle pursued against HIV/AIDS by President Bush. And I applaud the pioneering efforts of the Clinton Foundation; the campaign against River Blindness spearheaded by President Carter; and the inspirational work of Bill and Melinda Gates. You are true leaders, one and all.</p> <h3>Approach to development under new, coalition Government</h3> <p>I want to begin with a few words about our new coalition government, a government that is motivated by a shared determination to erode these vast inequalities of opportunity that I described and we see around the world today. </p> <p>Ours is a new agenda, one of value for money; accountability; transparency and empowerment. We have promised to enshrine in law Britain’s commitment to spend 0.7% of GNI on overseas aid from 2013. And crucially, we will keep aid untied from commercial interests – in this I urge the US to follow our lead.</p> <h3>Millennium Development Goals</h3> <p>This new agenda will underpin our approach to the Millennium Development Goals. These goals, agreed by the UN ten years ago, were the concrete embodiment of our generations’ collective commitment to tackle the terrible poverty and suffering that afflict so many. As well as being in our own national interest that is also our shared moral obligation. </p> <h3>Successes</h3> <p>And yes, the commitment has led to some real results:</p> <ul> <li>We are on track to halve extreme poverty; </li> <li>We’ve made strong progress on universal primary education, where some thirteen African countries look set to achieve that MDG </li> <li>Measles-related deaths fell by 78% between 2000 and 2008</li> </ul> <h3>Challenges</h3> <p>However, in other areas - and indeed, even within those goals where we are doing quite well - progress is patchy. Most regions are off-track on tackling child mortality; while progress on maternal health is especially disappointing. It’s significant, too, that across all the goals, sub-Saharan Africa lags far behind. </p> <p>And, however hard we try, new challenges constantly threaten our ability to meet the MDGs and jeopardise our gains. The world of 2010 is not the world of 2000. We’ve had food price hikes. A global recession. A massive increase in the cost of fuel. </p> <p>Some argue that against this backdrop we should focus our attention on domestic priorities. I disagree. This is a time to reaffirm our promises to the world’s poor, not abandon them. We should never balance the books on the backs of the world’s poorest people. It is true that charity begins at home, but it doesn't end there. </p> <p>Promoting global prosperity is also very much in our own interests. Development is good for our economy, our safety, our health, our future. It is, quite simply, the best return on investment you’ll find: a cause that commands consensus across the political spectrum both in Britain and hopefully, here in America. </p> <p>So, our response is not to abandon the MDGs but to encourage all parties to work towards a clear action plan that can be agreed at this September’s UN Summit. For our part, Britain will also be aligning development more effectively with other policies, whether with trade, investment and enterprise, climate change or economic growth. </p> <p>In the UK, we have brought together the three policy pillars of development, defence and diplomacy through our new National Security Council. This synergy will allow us to reduce poverty in fragile states, while also building capacity and guaranteeing security and stability. </p> <p>I know that balancing and integrating all of the elements of power is a major objective for you here in the States. </p> <p>There are areas, however, where our approaches to development differ. In Britain, the Department for International Development is a separate Government Department in its own right. As its Secretary of State, I have a seat in Cabinet and on the National Security Council. A vibrant DFID, at the table, agitating, campaigning and helping to deliver progressive change for communities worldwide. </p> <p>And in our Government, an equally vibrant coalition whose leaders share a vision of a world where everyone has the opportunity to fulfil their true potential. Abroad as well as at home, we believe in decentralising power and responsibility, empowering citizens, making governments more transparent and accountable. </p> <h3>Transparency</h3> <p>Here in the States, President Obama has spoken out for greater transparency and accountability across his administration. Back in Britain, our Prime Minister, David Cameron and Deputy Prime Minister, Nick Clegg, have applied these same principles to our new coalition government. </p> <p>That’s why one of the first things I did on taking office was to launch our new UK Aid Transparency Guarantee, a guarantee that will help to make aid transparent to citizens in the UK - and also to those in recipient countries too. This chimes with Raj Shah’s promise to embrace "extreme transparency" throughout USAID. I look forward to working with Raj and to discussing this with him when we meet again this afternoon. </p> <h3>Results-based aid</h3> <p>We’re also fundamentally redesigning our aid programmes so that they build in rigorous evaluation processes from day one. The focus will be on outputs and outcomes rather than inputs. In these difficult, economic times donors have a double duty, a responsibility to achieve maximum value for money: not just results but results at the lowest possible cost. </p> <p>With this in mind, we want to test the concept of cash on delivery aid that’s been mooted by the Centre for Global Development. CGD has been the leader of so much great thinking on development, and Nancy Birdsall told me this morning that she learnt her trade here at Carnegie. </p> <p>We’re also taking a fundamentally new approach to our bilateral and multilateral aid: reviewing what we do - and where - so that we can maintain a ruthless focus on results. At the same time, I’m setting up a new independent body that will gather evidence about the effectiveness of our programmes. Again, our two nations are on the same page: I know Raj Shah envisages a stronger focus on impact evaluation in USAID’s work. </p> <p>Let me now, Tom, turn to the most off-track of the MDGs: maternal health.</p> <h3>Maternal health</h3> <p>When a jumbo jet crashes anywhere in the world it makes the headlines. If it were to crash week in week out in the same place there’s not a person alive who wouldn’t be talking about it. The international community would set up an enquiry and no money would be spared in making sure it never happened again. Yet, in Nigeria, the equivalent number of women die each and every week from pregnancy-related causes - and the world stands silent. </p> <p>In Britain, we want to make a serious contribution to tackling this tragedy. Today, at the G8, our Prime Minister, David Cameron, is working with PM Harper and other G8 leaders to ensure the world delivers on its commitments to cut the number of women and children dying during pregnancy and childbirth in some of the world’s poorest countries. </p> <p>The Prime Minister will argue today that it is indefensible in this, the twenty first century that for so many women, pregnancy and childbirth should represent a death sentence or at least, a morbid lottery. Or that the risk to a woman of dying in the UK due to a pregnancy-related cause at some point during her lifetime is 1 in 8,200 while in Niger, it is 1 in 7. </p> <p>Every year, at least a third of a million women, and probably more, die due to complications in pregnancy or child birth. The vast majority of those deaths occur in low and middle income countries. </p> <p>And research by my department tells us that if a mother dies in childbirth, there is a high chance her child will die within a few months too. </p> <p>But we all know – it doesn’t have to be like this. As Melinda Gates said earlier this month, it’s not that we don’t know what to do or that we can’t do it. It’s that we haven’t tried hard enough. We have within our grasp a golden opportunity, a perfect moment when we have the technology and the political will – if not to eradicate maternal mortality – then to reduce it significantly.</p> <h3>The great blot on public health</h3> <p>History is on our side. The last time that the UK had a Conservative/Liberal coalition government was back in 1935. That coalition didn’t pull its punches when it referred to Britain’s maternal mortality rate as the "great blot on public health". Determined to reverse the trend and with political will behind him, the British Prime Minister, Stanley Baldwin established a national midwifery service. This move, coupled with the necessary policies and resources, saw maternal deaths fall by 80% in just 15 years. The resonance with where we are today is uncanny and only serves to sharpen our government’s resolve to seek an equally radical result abroad.</p> <h3>Innovation</h3> <p>We will not be afraid to try new approaches: maternal health is an area where there’s room for innovation. </p> <p>Look at the example of Madhya Pradesh where pregnant women are offered free transport to hospital and paid 1400 Rupees (about $30) to compensate them for the work their partners lose in having to stay at home to supervise the other children. Phone numbers for the service are widely displayed, while community workers spread the message about safe deliveries and timely check-ups. These workers receive 350 Rupees (about $8 dollars) for every expectant mother that they bring to the hospital. </p> <p>Innovation isn’t confined to overseas activities. Closer to home, I was excited to hear of Oxford University’s creative plan to use crowd-sourcing as a means of undertaking research into maternal health. 10,000 healthcare professionals across the developing world will be asked to complete an online survey and to identify where they see the gaps in maternal healthcare in their respective countries. </p> <p>We are being equally innovative in my department. Two weeks ago I launched a fund that will allow our health professionals to share their skills with birth attendants, doctors, nurses and midwives across the developing world. We want to encourage partnerships that can pilot new techniques, such as live internet link-ups or the use of mobile phones for emergency referrals or operations. </p> <h3>Family planning and safe abortion</h3> <p>I want to turn now, Tom, to a subject that I recognise to be sensitive but which is nevertheless close to my heart. I understand the cultural difficulties implicit in any discussion about contraception and abortion; I merely lay these facts before you: every year 20 million women seek unsafe abortions and 70,000 of them, many still girls, die as a result. And 215 million women around the world who want to use modern contraception don’t have access to it.</p> <p>President Obama has described a woman’s right to make a decision about how many children she wants to have, and when, as one of the most fundamental of human freedoms. </p> <p>Let me say this to you today: I could not agree with him more. </p> <p>Empowering women to take decisions about their own future is the right thing to do for so many, many reasons. Not least, as your President pointed out -the fact that it is a basic human right.</p> <p>The UNFPA estimates that satisfying the unmet need for modern family planning would reduce unintended pregnancies by 53 million every year, the greatest reduction being in low income countries. </p> <p>We recognise that these are difficult areas and will proceed carefully – while never forgetting that our ultimate goal is always to empower women in their own lives. That goal is simply non-negotiable and I promise you here and now, that Britain will be placing women at the heart of the whole of our agenda for international development. In the immediate term, we will be doing everything in our power to urge all countries to sign up to a strong set of commitments on maternal health at September’s MDG Summit. </p> <h3>Women at the heart of development</h3> <h3>Education</h3> <p>Just as maternal health covers a whole continuum of care, so too, does gender cover a continuum of opportunity – of which a key stage is education. Focussing our efforts exclusively on women rather than on women and girls is to miss the opportunity to reverse a vicious cycle that can be the lot of girls in poor countries. The cycle starts with limited access to education but soon leads to poor employment, ill-health, early marriage and, all too frequently, to violence and exploitation. </p> <p>By making sure that more girls have the chance to attend school we can replace that vicious cycle with a virtuous one that ultimately puts females at the heart of their families and their communities. Bringing in money, supporting local enterprise, making sure their own children are educated. And typically, putting an average of 90% of their earnings back into the family compared to the 30 or 40% that males contribute. </p> <p>There are many reasons why education is particularly hard for girls. These can be linked to issues of comparative low status: girls will often be expected to do the household chores or to make the long journey to fetch water, instead of attending school. When I visited Pakistan earlier this month, I saw how insecurity can add to the difficulties girls face. The new work that I was able to announce while I was there will see some 300,000 girls in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa encouraged to attend school in return for a monthly allowance. There is a good story to tell in Afghanistan, too, where 3 million girls are now attending school. </p> <p>Making sure that girls are able to have access to education – and are able to complete that education - will remain a key priority for the UK’s Department for International Development.</p> <h3>Cash-transfers as part of the solution</h3> <p>Cash incentives can also work for education – and for health too, as we saw with the Madhya Pradesh project – but they can also have a wider application, enabling women to meet basic household expenses and ultimately, to re-invest their savings in the family unit. </p> <p>I give you the example of Nihoza Angelique from Rwanda, a country my party knows well. She has less than a quarter of a hectare of farmland on which to support her family of three. However, thanks to development support, she has now been in employment for six months, earning 1,000 Rwandan francs per day (less than $2), out of which she is saving some 400 francs (just under 70 cents) in her newly-opened savings account. With her first salary she bought school uniforms for her children. With her second and third salaries, she bought a goat. She now plans to use her savings to build a house for herself and her children. </p> <h3>Gender and voice</h3> <p>We’ve seen, ladies and gentlemen, that when women are empowered economically they are more likely to have a voice in the community and to be advocates for other women. </p> <p>In Nepal, the percentage of female Members of Parliament rose from 6% to 33% in 2008, while Ghana has seen a women elected Speaker of the national Parliament for the first time in its post-independence history. In the UK – although we’ve had a woman Speaker, indeed, a female Prime Minister - only 22% of our MPs are women. In your Congress, female representation is just 17%. It’s salutary to be reminded that the developed world isn’t always the shining beacon we might wish it to be. </p> <p>On the theme of governance let me say a few words about the new UN Gender Entity. This is an historic opportunity to create an efficient, powerful and well-resourced body that has the chance to make a positive impact on the lives of millions of women and girls across the world. It is vital that a competent and visible leader is appointed as soon as possible, a leader who is mandated to make progress in this crucial area.</p> <h3>Conclusion</h3> <p>Ladies and gentlemen, as we sit here in Washington - across the world, millions of people are suffering. Millions of people are denied the dignity and the opportunity they deserve. We can change that. </p> <p>The playwright, George Bernard Shaw once said that the essence of inhumanity wasn’t hate, it was indifference. He was right: indifference kills. September’s MDG Summit represents a golden opportunity for us to demonstrate that we are not indifferent, that we will recommit to the promises that we made ten years ago to the world’s poor. </p> <p>We must call on the world’s political leaders to come to the Summit ready to make and deliver ambitious pledges. We must urge them to fulfil their aid commitments and to sign up to the Secretary-General’s Action Plan on women and children’s health. We must grasp this single moment that history offers us, a moment when, together, we can make a stand. If we are prepared to do that then we truly can leave this world a better place for generations to come. </p> <p>Thank you. <br></p> 2011-03-08 21:44:59 http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Placing-women-at-the-heart-of-development/ Andrew Mitchell Andrew Mitchell delivers first overseas speech in Washington 26 June 2010 Department for International Development Carnegie Endowment, Washington DC
<p class="date">16 June 2010</p> <p><strong>Minister of State Alan Duncan's speech at the UN Delivering as One conference in Hanoi, Vietnam on 16 June 2010.</strong></p> <p><strong>Introduction</strong></p> <p>Thank you Chair for allowing me to come to the floor again to speak on behalf of the UK Government.  And my thanks again to the Government of Vietnam [and the Prime Minister of Vietnam] for the invitation to this important conference.</p> <p>Let me start with a clear statement.  My government supports Delivering as One.  To me it seems the obvious thing to do.  If programme countries say this is how you want the UN to work in your country – then we will support you.  If Delivering as One enables the UN to respond to your priorities, we will support you.  Quite simply if you want Delivering as One to succeed and shape the way the UN works in your countries, we will support you.</p> <p><strong>The broader context of the MDGs</strong></p> <p>You might have noticed that the UK has a new government.  Unusually for us this is a coalition, where two political parties have agreed the government’s programme.  But I can say that, in the case of international development, the negotiations were straightforward.  Both parties are committed to addressing poverty and injustice in the world.</p> <p>Where nine million children die before the age of five each year, half a million women die at childbirth, and seventy two million children do not go to school, we must play our full part.  The UK is firmly committed to the Millennium Development Goals.  And we support the UN for the contribution it can make to those goals.</p> <p><strong>New world reality</strong></p> <p>The last 18 months has seen the world’s worst economic crisis since the 1930s.  This affects both developed and developing countries.</p> <p>Our new government in the UK has inherited a huge budget deficit.  Some argue that aid should be a casualty as we look for savings in public spending.  I am pleased to say that our new government does not take that view.  We remain firmly committed to increasing UK development assistance so that it reaches 0.7% by 2013.  Furthermore we aim to enshrine this commitment in UK law.</p> <p><strong>Need to show results and impact of every £ spent</strong></p> <p>With this commitment comes far more scrutiny.  Our taxpayers will be watching more closely how every pound is spent.  So it’s no longer about what we spend.  What matters is results.  The number of children educated, people with access to safe water, mothers that have a safe birth.  That’s what matters.  The new UK government will be much tougher in ensuring our aid delivers value-for-money.  This is as important for those we seek to help in other countries as it is for taxpayers in our country.</p> <p>We will look hard at the partnerships we use for our aid.  If we cannot see that our funding is well used we will stop it.  And we will put it through another partner that can make a bigger difference for the poor.</p> <p><strong>UK Review of multilateral aid</strong> </p> <p>That is why, as part of our new government’s commitment to results, we are reviewing our funding through multilateral organisations such as the World Bank and the United Nations.  This multilateral aid review will inform decisions on the levels of core funding for individual organisations.</p> <p><strong>The unique role of the United Nations</strong></p> <p>This conference is about one of our partners: the United Nations.  The United Nations has a unique mandate and is uniquely placed to help where others cannot.  If the UN were not there we would create it.  But I’m not sure we would create it with thirty or more separate bits all working on development.</p> <p>The UN has a fundamental role as a peacekeeper, a peace builder, in delivering humanitarian aid, helping countries out of crisis and upholding global standards.  It helps reduce maternal mortality, build democratic governance and promote gender equality.</p> <p>I was in Nepal recently, where the UN is playing a key role, not only in development, but also in supporting the peace process.</p> <p>Yes the UN remains relevant today.</p> <p>However, is the way it works at country level fit for purpose?</p> <p>Too often the UN is seen as bureaucratic, fragmented and inefficient, with too many agencies trying to do too many things.</p> <p>In Bangladesh, for example, there are ten UN agencies, employing around fourteen hundred people, spending two hundred and sixty million dollars a year.  The UN in Bangladesh achieves results, such as improved food security and nutrition, decent sanitation and clean drinking water, better policing, and increased resilience to climate change.  But the impact is much less than it could be.  Why?  Because the Resident Coordinator does not have real authority.  And we have the absurdity of a well-crafted UN Development Assistance Framework, that sets out what and how the UN can "Deliver as One", undermined because each agency has to abide by its own country strategy.  So they don’t work as one, they work as ten.</p> <p>So yes, the UK will increase its development spending.  But for the sake of people in poverty the money we provide through the UN must deliver results.  This is what I mean when I say value for money.</p> <p><strong>Delivering as One can and is helping... but needs to go further, faster...</strong></p> <p>In the UK we have an initiative at the local government level called ‘Total Place’.  This is an important experiment that responds to the multiplicity of local service providers to identify overlap, duplication and gaps and improve service provision.  Sounds familiar?  The issues behind Delivering as One are very similar.</p> <p>Delivering as One responds to fragmentation and duplication, bureaucracy and inefficiency.  The aim is not to benefit donors, but to benefit programme countries and the poor in those countries.  Just as we would invent the UN if it did not exist, if Delivering as One did not exist I believe we would definitely want to invent it.</p> <p>It is positive to see that beyond the eight pilots there are another 10, maybe 20, countries taking forward Delivering as One.  More countries I am sure will follow once they see improved UN delivery in your countries.</p> <p>But as we have all said we need to move up a gear.  Delivering as One must bring a step change to how the UN works in a country.</p> <p>In my speech on behalf of donors I mentioned three areas that are fundamental to the success of Delivering as One: leadership, sustainability and results.  I believe we need to go further and faster on these.</p> <p>The UN needs empowered country leaders with the right skills for their difficult roles.  I call on all members of the UN Development Group to ensure that Resident Co-ordinators are empowered to lead their UN country team.  And they must have the authority to prioritise the UN’s limited resources in country, so the UN does a few things well rather than spreading itself too thinly.</p> <p>Second, sustainability requires support from programme countries, from donors and, as the country-led evaluations have shown, from UN headquarters.  I call on agencies to simplify and harmonise procedures, so that efficiencies can be made at country level.  I call on UN headquarters and Executive Boards to reduce bureaucracy such as multiple reporting for countries that deliver as one.  And I call on agency headquarters to send a clear message to country teams about supporting one leader, one plan and one budget.</p> <p>Third, sustainability can only be ensured if we can show results.  As the country-led evaluations have shown, unless we define our objectives it will be impossible to explain what we have achieved.  So, for each country, we need to set out what results we want to see.  Results in terms of efficiency gains, division of labour, alignment with government plans.  And, most importantly, results in terms of its impact on the lives of the poor.</p> <p>Looking forward, the UN should take the principles of Delivering as One and make them relevant to post-crisis or emergency situations as well as stable development contexts.  But success in these situations will require real progress in reducing transaction costs.</p> <p>We hope soon to see the creation of a new UN gender agency.  Reassuringly this will combine four existing bodies.  This is a great opportunity.  But success will require the UN truly to Deliver as One.  We want to see one gender plan, with a practical division of labour, with resources going to the highest priorities, and with strong UN leadership on the whole issue of gender equality.</p> <p><strong>Conclusion</strong></p> <p>Back in the UK I need to be able to tell my voters that every pound spent on development is a pound well spent.  Delivering as One – if we can show that it makes a real difference to the lives of the poor – can help make the case for the UN’s role.</p> <p>So my message is that yes the UN is unique.  But it is too often seen as bureaucratic and resistant to change.  Delivering as One and the bravery of a few countries and a few leaders have shown that the UN can change.  We now need to take this to the next level.  The pace needs to speed up.  Taxpayers don’t want to hear about mandates or governance in New York.  UN politics must not be allowed to prevent change that will benefit programme countries.  So I urge all of us here to speak with one voice.  We must champion Delivering as One for the difference it can make to the UN.  We must champion Delivering as One for the difference it can make for programme countries.  And, above all, we must champion Delivering as One for the difference it can make for the people we are working to get out of poverty.<br></p> 2011-03-08 21:40:26 http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Delivering-as-One-UK-speech-my-Minister-of-State-/ Alan Duncan Delivering as One: UK speech from Minister of State 16 June 2010 Department for International Development UN Delivering as One conference in Hanoi, Vietnam
<p class="date">03 June 2010</p> <h3>Secretary of State for International Development Andrew Mitchell's speech to Oxfam and Policy Exchange at the Royal Society in London, 12pm 3 June 2010.</h3> <p>Today I want to deliver a message from the new Coalition Government of Britain directly to the millions of people around the world who are battling against poverty, disease and injustice. Our message is this: the people and Government of Britain are on your side, and we will use every tool in our policy armoury – aid, trade, climate policy, diplomacy, business investment, and more – to champion justice, freedom, fairness and prosperity for you.  </p> <p>And I want to convey a message directly to the hardworking taxpayers of Britain: your contribution to our life-saving UK aid budget imposes a deep responsibility on this Government, and on me as Secretary of State for International Development, to deliver and demonstrate value for money in aid. I will work night and day to honour that commitment. </p> <p>To those big messages I add a third which I address to another audience – to all those involved in international development. Be prepared for change. Not a change in our levels of compassion, nor in our understanding of the deep value of international development. Rather, a change of approach, a fundamental change that empowers people, that creates and sustains wealth rather than simply redistributing it. A change in how we position development in the 21st century. </p> <p>It would be hard to imagine a more appropriate forum to deliver these messages: Oxfam’s amazing work is a beacon of hope for millions. I think back particularly to Goma in 1994, when Oxfam’s work in helping to provide clean water to the refugees from Rwanda undoubtedly saved tens of thousands of lives. Neither could we have a more appropriate host than Neil O’Brien of Policy Exchange. </p> <p>So it is here with you today that I will set out how we will apply our Coalition Government’s shared values to the great cause of international development. </p> <p>I will argue:</p> <ul> <li>Firstly, that global poverty both affronts our moral conscience and is a direct threat to Britain’s vital national interests. </li> <li>Secondly, that well-spent UK aid is amongst the most effective investments we can make – but that we need radical steps to ensure that our aid achieves all it can. </li> <li>Thirdly, that transparency, accountability, responsibility, fairness  and empowerment will be our watchwords. </li> <li>Fourthly, I will announce two new concrete steps we will take to achieve this: the creation of an independent aid watchdog, and our commitment to a UK Aid Transparency Guarantee. </li> <li>And fifthly, I will argue that although aid is important for development, we must use the whole of the British government’s policy spectrum to tackle global poverty. </li> </ul> <h3>A shared commitment</h3> <p>The imperatives of creating  wealth and tackling misery, exploitation and poverty are hard-wired into the British DNA. </p> <p>And our Coalition Programme outlines a strong, deep and ambitious policy agenda on international development. </p> <p>Our Coalition Government is motivated by a shared determination to erode the terrible inequalities of opportunity which we see around the world today.</p> <p>We believe in the British Big Society: decentralising power and responsibility; empowering citizens; making governments more transparent and accountable. But in our shrinking world, we are not just the British Big Society - we are all part of a global Big Society.  And we will apply our values to that. Our approach will move from doing development to people to doing development with people – and to people doing development for themselves.</p> <p>In Britain, we see a vital role for the state in helping to strengthen and build the Big Society by actively catalysing change, agitating for social action, and pressing home every opportunity to strengthen communities.  Internationally, in parallel with this, we see a central role for a vibrant, strong Department for International Development, agitating campaigning and helping to deliver progressive change for communities worldwide. Our progressive, global vanguard.  </p> <h3>Why International Development?</h3> <p>Our vision will always be about making life better for the poorest people in the poorest countries. As simple – and as complex – as that. </p> <p>It is worth reminding ourselves of the scale of the challenge that confronts us. 8.8 million children die before the age of five each year. Half a million women die due to complications in pregnancy or childbirth. More than a third of children in Africa are short for their age – this stunting affects brain development.. 72 million children are missing out on primary education. Every day nearly 25,000 children die from easily-preventable diseases. More than 33 million people are infected with HIV/AIDS. There are more than 14 million AIDS orphans in sub-Saharan Africa, more than all the children in Britain. Every hour, over 300 people become infected with HIV and 225 people die from AIDS…and 31 of these are children. </p> <p>Clearly, we must act, and act now, to right these wrongs and end this terrible waste of human potential. </p> <p>But promoting global prosperity is also firmly in Britain’s national interest. We’re all in this together. </p> <p>If we don’t tackle the root causes of our problems we will spend much more in future in trying to deal with the symptoms. </p> <p>That’s why we want to prevent the spread of global diseases rather than waiting for them to attack us. </p> <p>That’s why we want to tackle radicalisation by helping to build peaceful and stable societies overseas.</p> <p>That’s why we want to help to build low carbon economies at home and abroad and to support vulnerable people in adapting to climate change rather than continuing our high carbon path.</p> <p>That’s why we want Europe’s neighbour, Africa, to be a prosperous trading society. </p> <p>That’s why we will champion a trading system that is free, open and fair rather than one that pursues an isolationist policy and limits market opportunities. </p> <p>And that is why we attach such importance to helping Afghanistan to become a more stable, functioning state. I saw for myself only last month the massive potential, but also the huge challenges, involved in getting that country back on its feet. </p> <p>Development is good for our economy, our safety, our health, our future. It is, quite simply, tremendous value for money: the best return on investment that you’ll find anywhere in government. </p> <h3>Accountability</h3> <p>There is clear evidence to show that effective aid works miracles. </p> <p>In 2007/08 alone, British Aid </p> <ul> <li>Trained more than 100,000 teachers</li> <li>Supplied just short of 7 million anti-malaria bednets</li> <li>Vaccinated 3 million children against measles</li> <li>Brought clean water to almost 1 million people </li> <li>Provided electricity to close on 200,000 people.</li> </ul> <p>And just look at this statistic: British aid pays for five million children in developing countries to go to primary school every day. That’s roughly the same number as go to primary school in Britain yet, it costs only 2.5 per cent of what we spend here. That’s real value for money. </p> <p>But we can’t escape the fact that today’s fiscal landscape is radically different from what has gone before. There is a massive deficit, which it is our number one priority to tackle. </p> <p>Against this backdrop our protected aid budget imposes a double duty to ensure that for every pound of taxpayers’ money we spend, we demonstrate 100 pence of value. </p> <p>And that we demonstrate it in a way that helps us to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Goals which have captured all our imaginations but which for so many people are so far away from being achieved. </p> <p>Of course, there are those who argue that in these difficult times aid and aspiration are inevitable casualties of austerity.  Collateral damage. I disagree. This is a time to reaffirm our promises to the world’s poor people, not abandon them. We won’t balance the books on the backs of the world’s poorest. </p> <p>We resolved, in our Coalition programme for government, to honour our commitment to spend 0.7% of GNI on overseas aid from 2013, and to enshrine this commitment in law. </p> <p>We will keep aid untied from commercial interests, and maintain DFID as an independent Department, focussed on reducing poverty. </p> <p>We will stick to the rules laid down by the OECD about what spending counts as aid. </p> <p>As Shadow Secretary of State I have travelled in dozens of countries over the last five years. I have been struck by how much DFID contributes to Britain’s global reputation. How it has broken new ground in international development and often succeeded where others have failed. </p> <p>Like our diplomatic services, our armed forces and the BBC World Service, DFID has become part of Britain’s national identity, reflecting our values and strengths overseas. I commend it and am proud to be its Secretary of State. Under my stewardship I want it to do more not less. </p> <p>But pride should never lead to complacency. To the British taxpayer I say this: our aim is to spend every penny of every pound of your money wisely and well. We want to squeeze every last ounce of value from it. We owe you that. And I promise you as well that in future, when it comes to international development, we will want to see hard evidence of the impact your money makes. Not just dense and impenetrable budget lines but clear evidence of real change. </p> <p>We currently spend aid in no fewer than 102 countries. For some of these countries that aid is absolutely critical, the safety net that saves lives. But it’s time to pause, to review whether we’re really targeting money where it’s needed most. For example, China is a country which spent £20 billion hosting the Olympics and Russia is a member of the G8.</p> <p>We will bring the China and Russia aid programmes to a conclusion as soon as is practical. Instead, we will spend the money on our priorities such as maternal health , fighting malaria, and extending choice to women over whether and when they have children. </p> <p>Prioritisation is vital. I have instigated a full-scale Value for Money Review at DFID, in order to identify projects that should be stopped and savings that should be made so that we can increase aid spending in poor countries more quickly. We have made an immediate start: ending the use of aid money to fund a Brazilian-style dance group with percussion in Hackney, and ending the practice of sending hard copies of the DFID magazine around the world at a cost to the aid budget of £240,000 every year. The savings from these measures will be ploughed straight back in to the frontline aid budget. We will also rent out two floors of DFID’s central London offices, bringing in an extra £2 million for frontline aid. A small figure compared to the scale of the deficit, but an immense amount for people on the ground in developing countries. Our growing budget makes discipline, thrift and a relentless focus on value for money more important, not less. </p> <p>Overall we plan to redirect £100 million from projects that are low-priority or that are not performing, to programmes that have a better success rate in improving the lives of the world’s poor. Combining compassion with hard-headed discipline in order to help more people escape from poverty.</p> <p>Across the Atlantic, Hillary Clinton has pledged to put women ‘front and center’ of the American development agenda. That is the right choice. As David Cameron and Jeff Sachs argued earlier this year, women can hold the key to development in the world's poorest countries – in education, enterprise, micro-finance and healthcare. Investing in women pays dividends throughout the entire community. </p> <p>Tackling the scandal of maternal mortality is particularly important. Half a million women die during childbirth every year, a figure that has barely fallen in the past two decades in many regions. So we will work to strengthen health systems and family planning facilities in developing countries, including taking steps to improve access to well-trained midwives and emergency obstetrics care.</p> <p>We need to ensure too, that action on women and development is on the agenda at key global meetings. This will be a top priority for us at the G8 and UN summits this year. Today, the Prime Minister is discussing this very subject with Prime Minister Harper of Canada – the host nation for the G8 and the G20 - in the run up to those meetings. </p> <p>We will shine our spotlight too, on multilateral spending.  Over a third of our aid money is channelled through 20 organisations, including the EU, the World Bank and the UN. There are good reasons for this. Working in partnership through these multilateral bodies we can achieve results that we could not hope to achieve acting alone. Yet in some places, corporate governance is weak, operational efficiency patchy, and too little attention is given to results on the ground. </p> <p>So we will conduct an impartial and rigorous assessment of the efficiency and effectiveness of all the multilateral bodies that we fund. We will be fair. We will be open. We will be transparent. But, if necessary, we will be tough.</p> <p>And this brings me to my central point today. </p> <p>Independent evaluation of British aid is absolutely crucial. There is something a bit too cosy and self-serving about internal evaluation. Reviews that focus on process and procedure miss the real issue: what did the money achieve? What change resulted from it? How were lives made better? </p> <p>We need a fundamental change of direction – we need to focus on outputs and outcomes, not just inputs. </p> <p>Sweden has been using independent evaluation for years and others, including the MIT Poverty Lab, have shown that we can be much more scientific about measuring what works. </p> <p>Aid spending decisions should be made on the basis of evidence, not guesswork. </p> <p>So today I can announce that we have taken the first steps towards creating a new independent aid watchdog to gather evidence about the effectiveness of DFID programmes.  </p> <p>We will never maintain support for our growing aid budget unless we can offer to the British public independently verified evidence that it is being well spent. </p> <h3>Empowerment, responsibility and fairness</h3> <p>The philosophy of empowerment will be central to our approach.  We want poor people to be masters and owners of the international development system, not passive recipients of it.  </p> <p>David Cameron said of the Big Society: “As long as there is deep poverty living systematically side by side with great riches, we all remain the poorer for it”</p> <p>The ideas of the Big Society are already familiar to people who work in international development. So much so, that you might think we took some of them from the best of development thinking. </p> <p>The idea that working together in a community is a fundamental human instinct. That society is built not by laws and bureaucracy but by community values and tradition. </p> <p>The Big Society defines our new approach to development. An approach that delivers choice and demands accountability. An approach that fundamentally lends itself to this value for money agenda.</p> <p>As I said earlier, this approach is defined by a fundamental recalibration of the balance of power; one that sees people in developing countries moving from a position of having development done to them to one where they shape progress themselves. In other words, giving people that most fundamental of human rights: the power to shape their own lives. </p> <p>Many aid agencies are testing options that involve giving control to citizens through direct cash transfers. I want us to explore that for ourselves. And where cash is not appropriate, we’ll look at other measures that involve participation, choice, and self-determination. I’ve seen for myself in Ethiopia just how effective this can be. </p> <p>These sort of schemes often make it more difficult for bureaucracies to waste or skim off money. Most importantly of all, they give people the power to make their own decisions. </p> <p>But working to build capable and effective states is also vital. Where the market or communities are not providing core functions or services, the role of government is crucial. Here too, we’ll put the power in the hands of developing countries rather than dictating activity from a distance. </p> <p>As we said in our Green Paper, we will test the concept of Cash on Delivery aid that has been mooted by the influential Washington-based Center for Global Development. </p> <p>The principle is simple. A group of donors makes a binding promise to provide money when a developing country makes progress towards agreed results. Results-based aid. </p> <p>With Cash on Delivery, developing countries can choose which investments will move them forward most quickly. </p> <p>We will be evidence-based, and sensitive to the specific needs and attributes of different countries. By testing new approaches carefully through a selected number of pilots we can make an informed decision about whether, how and where we can roll them out more widely. </p> <p>Linked to this theme are other, wider opportunities for empowerment. The sort of power that enables citizens to hold their governments to account. In future, when we give money directly to governments in poor countries we want to earmark up to five per cent of the total amount to help parliaments, civil society and audit bodies to hold to account those who spend their money.  We’re also going to explore ways in which we can improve local advocacy, to help poor people to have a greater say in matters that affect them nationally and internationally. </p> <h3>Transparency</h3> <p>If empowerment is a key component of Big Society development, so too is transparency.  Transparency for the taxpayer and transparency for the recipient. </p> <p>This is an agenda that President Obama has led in the US. Indeed, USAID’s Administrator, Raj Shah has promised to usher in an era of ‘extreme transparency’. </p> <p>So today I’m pleased to announce a new UK Aid Transparency Guarantee that will make our aid fully transparent to citizens both in the UK and in recipient countries. </p> <p>The UK Aid Transparency Guarantee will help to create a million independent aid watchdogs – people around the world who can see where aid money is supposed to be going – and shout if it doesn’t get there. </p> <p>The Guarantee commits us to publishing full information about DFID projects and programmes on our website - in a way that is user-friendly and meaningful. </p> <p>Over time, we want to make that information available, in an open and standardised format to the people who depend on the funding: the communities and families living in poor countries. Knowledge is indeed, power. </p> <p>The simple act of publishing information can help us achieve many of our most important development aims. It reduces the risk of corruption and waste. It improves the quality of public services and increases public sector accountability. </p> <p>In Uganda, for example, the level of education resources diverted away from their intended purpose dropped dramatically as a direct result of better public information about resource allocation. </p> <p>In another example, a group of community health clinics in Uganda was chosen at random to receive published report cards. Public meetings were organised to publicise the quality of the clinics’ health care. As a result, waiting times dropped, staff absenteeism plummeted, fewer drugs were stolen and crucially, there were a third fewer deaths of children under the age of five. Or, to put it another way, 550 lives were saved. </p> <p>So we will bring the post-bureaucratic age to aid. We will also   push for greater traceability across the aid system and for others to adopt our level of transparency. We will lead by example, and argue for common formats and standards for aid transparency internationally, so information from all donors is presented in a way that is consistent, exchangeable and  comparable. </p> <p>I put DFID staff on notice now, that every time I visit our work overseas I’m going to be asking: </p> <ul> <li>What are the results - the outputs and outcomes of your work? </li> <li>Where’s the element of choice in what you’ve offered? </li> <li>How are you engaging with local people and civil society, as well as their government?</li> <li>Are we making that shift that puts power in the hands of the local people?</li> <li>Are you being transparent – and are you supporting the governments we work with to be transparent too? </li> </ul> <p>This change may start with us in DFID but it doesn’t end with us. I want transparency, accountability, responsibility, fairness and empowerment to be the words that define our funded activity wherever it takes place. And I want this to be the mantra that defines our partner bodies too, be they multilaterals, governments or Britain’s brilliant NGOs.</p> <p>We will now move ahead with our drive for greater transparency and independent evaluation. And let me be clear: we will extend those principles to our partners in development, to every organisation that receives money from us, or more accurately, from the British taxpayer. Transparency and independent impact evaluation are powerful tools for greater efficiency. This represents a step change in the way that we approach aid and a huge step forward in our fight against corruption and waste.</p> <h3>Beyond Aid</h3> <p>Aid is important: it has saved and improved the lives of millions of people and it can save and improve millions more in the years ahead. But aid is a means to an end, not an end in itself. Countries don’t get rich from external aid: they get rich from self-propelled economic growth driven by private enterprise. Smart UK policies can help with this. </p> <p>The message we have to put across, the message we have to shout from the rooftops, if necessary, is that 21st century development is about much more than aid. It’s about what we do with our policies beyond aid. It’s about creating opportunities across the whole policy spectrum. </p> <p>We can be clear: 21st century development is a complex tapestry of trade, investment and enterprise, climate change, economic growth, debt relief, financial services, intellectual property and advancing new technologies. Themes that are woven in and out of the essential fabric, creating a richer and more complete picture. </p> <p>Fragile states are a particular challenge: one where engaging and supporting better governance is critical. By pulling together the three strands of development, defence and diplomacy our response can be greater than the sum of its parts. That’s precisely why the Prime Minister set up the National Security Council to take a cohesive and co-ordinated approach to the very real problems of conflict. This special blend of policy response also has a huge role to play in conflict prevention, an area which is becoming an increasingly important focus of our work.   </p> <p>The NSC is perhaps one of the most tangible examples of cross-Government working but, we can and will, make connections with wider  Whitehall at each and every opportunity.  Whether by:</p> <ul> <li>advocating more open trade policies</li> <li>lobbying for a climate change deal that is fair to the developing world</li> <li>promoting the interests of women and girls in poor countries</li> <li>promoting entrepreneurship and the foundations for strong economic growth</li> <li>supporting financial services that benefit both poor countries and poor people or; </li> <li>arguing for a more development-friendly regulatory regimes </li> </ul> <p>……we will be part of that debate.  </p> <p>I see DFID as a key, joined-up, integrated department, a bright star in the Whitehall constellation, a department of state for development in the developing world. That’s why DFID has a seat at the Cabinet table and it’s why I won’t be satisfied until our message rings down the corridors of each and every department in Whitehall. </p> <p>When David Cameron said that it is time for change, he really meant it. So now as our Coalition Government starts on its agenda for change, let us bring international development to the forefront of our efforts. The prize is great: a better life for millions of people, and a safer, more prosperous world for Britain. </p> 2011-03-08 21:37:34 http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Full-transparency-and-new-independent-watchdog-will-give-UK-taxpayers-value-for-money-in-aid-/ Andrew Mitchell Full transparency and new independent watchdog will give UK taxpayers value for money in aid 03 June 2010 Department for International Development Royal Society
<p class="date">14 September 2010</p> <h3>Message from International Development Secretary Andrew Mitchell:</h3> <p><img class="imgleft" alt="Andrew Mitchell" src="/Images/250x190/uk-mitchell-smaller-100x124.jpg?epslanguage=en">The Pakistan floods have all too tragically shown just why aid really does matter. I am extremely proud that the UK led the world in its response to this tragedy, sending thousands of tents, shelter kits, water containers and blankets to address immediate needs. I am proud too that the British public has yet again demonstrated its capacity for generosity. </p> <p>Humanitarian support, however, is only part of what we do at DFID. Our remit is far wider, and it is a remit about which this Government cares passionately. One of the first things we did upon taking office was commit 0.7 per cent of Gross National Income to overseas aid from 2013 and promise to enshrine this commitment in legislation. We said that we would stick to the internationally agreed definitions of aid and keep aid separate from commercial interests. </p> <p>In July, we published our <a href="/About-DFID/Finance-and-performance/Structural-reform-plan/">Structural Reform Plan</a> outlining the steps we will take to achieve our objectives on international development, making it clear that the emphasis will be on results – about what is being achieved on the ground. </p> <p>I am acutely conscious that in these difficult economic times we must demonstrate to taxpayers that we are getting value for money and I have launched full-scale reviews of where that money is going and how it is being spent. These reviews will give us evidence from our experience in the field combined with the views of a wide range of people and organisations, which will allow us to make informed decisions about our future funding.  </p> <p>Alongside this focus on results and value for money, I am determined that DFID will become more transparent. I want the British public and people in developing countries to be able to see where money has gone, as well as what it has achieved – this is our UK Aid Transparency Guarantee. We have already established the Pakistan Floods Monitor, so that you can see how UKaid is being spent, and we will be publishing the details of all projects over £500 on our website from next January. At the same time, the new Independent Commission for Aid Impact will assess just how effective our spending has been, and will report directly to Parliament. </p> <p>We will be equally open about our policy development, and we are currently running <a href="/Working-with-DFID/Consultations/Open-consultations/">open consultations</a> about ways of tackling malaria and maternal, reproductive and newborn health. I hope you will let us know what you think. </p> <p>This is a vital year for international development with only five years left to achieve the <a href="/Media-Room/News-Stories/2010/MDG-summit/">Millennium Development Goals</a>, and the majority of them off-track. I will be urging the world at this month’s United Nations’ MDG Summit to step up a gear and reinvigorate efforts to meet these goals. </p> <p>We are burning the candle at both ends to make sure British aid is spent effectively in helping the world’s poorest people lift themselves out of poverty. I hope you will be part of the debate and that you will share your views and engage with us over the coming months.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Message-from-Andrew-Mitchell/ Andrew Mitchell Making the case for UKaid 14 September 2010 Department for International Development unknown
<p class="date">12 October 2010</p> <p>The Secretary of State for International Development (Mr. Andrew Mitchell): </p> <p>I would like to update the House on the humanitarian situation in Pakistan following the floods and on the UK Government’s response. </p> <p>It is now nearly two months since the floods hit. The situation, particularly in Southern Sindh province, continues to be extremely difficult.  7.3 million people there have been affected. Of this total, 2.3 million people are in need of immediate assistance. Significant shortfalls continue in the distribution of relief across all sectors and capacity to respond is stretched. The World Food Programme continues to drop food rations by air and public buildings such as schools still house tens of thousands of people. The full extent of loss and damage may not be known for several weeks as many areas remain under water.</p> <p>In other areas of Pakistan, the situation is mixed. In Punjab, the majority of the 5.3 million people affected have now returned to their home areas and the focus is beginning to shift from emergency relief to early recovery. In Khyber Paktunkwha most of the 3.8 million people affected have returned home and are beginning to rebuild their lives. Approximately 1 million internally displaced persons are gradually returning to Sindh from Balochistan.  The monsoon season is now drawing to a close and snow has already been reported in the northern mountainous regions reflecting the seasonal change to winter. </p> <p>The scale and shifting patterns of both displacement and return means it remains a challenge to achieve the necessary pace and scale of response. The UN continues to build up its surge capacity and improve coordination. NGOs are beginning to improve their reach in Sindh province. The Government of Pakistan is responding through the relevant Provincial Disaster Management Authorities and is still delivering relief through the Pakistan military in Sindh province.</p> <p>Meeting the remaining emergency relief and early recovery needs of the critically affected population remains our immediate priority.  To date UKAid has helped approximately:</p> <ul> <li>900,000 people receive health care services;</li> <li>620,000 people receive clean drinking water;</li> <li>425,000 people benefit from the distribution of over 60,000 hygiene kits;</li> <li>one million people receive hygiene awareness sessions;</li> <li>420,000 people benefit from shelter kits; and </li> <li>36,000 and 48,000 pregnant and lactating women receive nutritional supplements.</li> </ul> <p>Given the changing nature of the situation support is now needed to help Pakistan recover from the floods. On 17 September, the United Nations launched a revised Plan to provide a framework for remaining emergency relief needs, but also to help up to 14 million people get back on their feet and recover from the floods. The total funding requirement stands at just over US$2 billion (£1.3 billion) over the next twelve months.</p> <p>The revised UN Plan was discussed at a High Level UN meeting on 19 September in New York. At that meeting I announced an additional £70 million of funding to help meet remaining emergency relief needs and in particular to support the people of Pakistan to rebuild their lives.  UK funding will help revive agriculture, provide temporary education facilities to get children back into school and help people rebuild their communities and provide short-term employment opportunities. This brings the UK’s total contribution to £134 million, in addition to the £60m raised through the generosity of the UK public through the Disasters Emergency Committee (DEC) appeal.</p> <p>I would like to emphasis to the House the Government’s commitment to ensuring transparency and value for money.  Funding allocations will continue to be made on the basis of rigorous assessments of needs on the ground, and will be subject to thorough monitoring and evaluation.  None of the resources pledged for relief will be channelled through the Government of Pakistan in line with standard humanitarian practice.</p> <p>My department has already begun to allocate the additional funding. In recognition of the ongoing emergency needs of flood-affected people in Southern Sindh, we are aiming to address the emergency health and water and sanitation needs of approximately 500,000 people through international and local NGOs at a cost of up to £8m. I am also pleased to announce that we plan to help meet the immediate agriculture needs of approximately 850,000 vulnerable people in Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan and the critical winter rabi cropping window in late October/November, at a cost of some £7 million.</p> <p>Our commitment to the people of Pakistan remains a long-term one. The UK will continue to play a leading role in encouraging others in the international community to step up to the mark. The UK was instrumental in securing a commitment at the European Council on 16 September to develop ambitious trade measures for Pakistan, including the immediate reduction of import duties and improved longer term access to EU markets through Generalised System of Preferences (GSP+).  </p> <p>The floods require an exceptional response from the Government of Pakistan as well as from the international community.  At the forthcoming Pakistan Development Forum the Government of Pakistan should set out plans for growth and economic reform as well as reconstruction. The credibility of these plans will determine how donors respond to future reconstruction and development needs.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Written-statement-to-the-House-of-Commons-on-Pakistan-floods/ Andrew Mitchell Written statement to the House of Commons on Pakistan floods 12 October 2010 Department for International Development House of Commons
<p class="date">22 September 2010</p> <h3>United Nations Millennium Development Goals Summit </h3> <h3>Speech by Nick Clegg, Deputy Prime Minister of the United Kingdom</h3> <p>Secretary General<br>President of the General Assembly <br>Excellencies<br>Distinguished delegates<br>Ladies and Gentlemen</p> <h3>Introduction</h3> <p>It is an honour for me to address the General Assembly today for the first time as Deputy Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. </p> <p>And it is a privilege to be here with you to discuss how together we can reach the Millennium Development Goals; </p> <p>To make the necessary commitments towards eradicating the problems that blight the world we share: </p> <p>Poverty, hunger, disease, and the degradation of our natural environment. </p> <p>This week we are reviewing progress, assessing obstacles, and agreeing a framework for action to meet our targets.</p> <p>These are the technocratic terms in which governments must necessarily trade.</p> <p>But let us be clear: behind the officialese of summits lies our single, common purpose: </p> <p>To uphold the dignity and security that is the right of every person in every part of the world.  </p> <p>Development is, in the end, about freedom. It is about freedom from hunger and disease; freedom from ignorance; freedom from poverty. Development means ensuring that every person has the freedom to take their own life into their own hands and determine their own fate. </p> <p>The last decade has seen some important progress.</p> <p>That progress has, however, been uneven, and, on a number of our goals we remain significantly off track.</p> <h3>Britain’s commitment</h3> <p>So my message to you today, from the UK government, is this - we will keep our promises; and we expect the rest of the international community to do the same.  </p> <p>For our part, the new coalition government has committed to reaching 0.7% of GNI in aid from 2013 – a pledge we will enshrine in law. </p> <p>That aid will be targeted in the ways we know will make the biggest difference. </p> <p>And I am pleased to announce today that the UK will be stepping up our efforts to combat malaria.</p> <p>In Africa, a child dies from this disease – this easily preventable disease – every 45 seconds. So we will make more money available, and ensure that we get more for our money, with the aim of halving malaria-related deaths in ten of the worst affected countries.</p> <p>The UK government is also proud to be boosting our contribution to the international drive on maternal and infant health. Our new commitments will save the lives of 50,000 mothers and quarter of a million babies by 2015. </p> <h3>The case for development</h3> <p>The UK makes these commitments at a time of significant difficulty time in our domestic economy. </p> <p>The new government has inherited a £156bn budget deficit, so increasing our international aid budget is not an uncontroversial decision.</p> <p>Some critics have questioned that decision, asking why, at a time when people at home are making sacrifices in their pay and their pensions, are we increasing aid for people in other countries? </p> <p>But we make this choice because we recognise that the promises the UK has made hold in the bad times as well as the good – that they are even more important now than they were then. </p> <p>Because we understand that, while we are experiencing hardship on our own shores, it does not compare to the abject pain and destitution of others. </p> <p>Because we take seriously the fact that the new coalition government is now the last UK government able to deliver on our country’s promises in time for the 2015 MDG deadline. </p> <p>And because we know that doing so is in our own, enlightened self-interest.</p> <p>When the world is more prosperous, the UK will be more prosperous. Growth in the developing world means new partners with which to trade and new sources of global growth. </p> <p>And, equally, when the world is less secure, the UK is less secure within it. </p> <p>Climate change does not somehow stop at our borders. </p> <p>When pandemics occur, we are not immune. </p> <p>And when poverty and poor education fuel the growth of global terrorism, our society bears the scars too. </p> <p>Twenty two of the thirty four countries furthest from reaching the MDGs are in the midst of or emerging from violent conflict. </p> <p>Fragile spaces – like Afghanistan – where hate can proliferate and terrorist attacks can be planned, where organised criminals can harvest the drugs that ravage our streets, where families are persecuted, displaced, pushed to seek refuge with us. </p> <p>So we do not see the Millennium Development Goals just as optimistic targets for far away lands; they are not simply charity, nor are they pure altruism. </p> <p>They are also the key to lasting safety and future prosperity for the people of the United Kingdom, and of course, for people right across the globe.</p> <h3>On what we expect of others</h3> <p>We welcome the General Assembly’s agreement to annually review progress made against the commitments agreed at this Summit. </p> <p>The UK will stand up to that test.</p> <p>Today I call on others to show equal resolve. </p> <p>The Millennium Development Goals must be a priority for each and every nation present in this room. Developed nations must honour their commitments. </p> <p>And developing nations must understand that they will not receive a blank cheque. Developing countries and donors must work together – as equal partners – towards securing our common interest.</p> <p>They will be expected to administer aid in ways that are accountable, transparent, and responsible - creating the conditions for economic growth and job creation.</p> <p>Prioritising national budgets on health, infrastructure, education and basic services.</p> <p>Managing natural resources, particularly biodiversity, in an environmentally sustainable way.</p> <p>Improving the lives of women and girls: empowering them; educating them; ensuring healthy mothers can raise strong children. There can be no doubt that women and girls hold the key to greater prosperity: for their families, for their communities, and for their nations too.</p> <h3>Conclusion</h3> <p>If we each step up, we can meet the Millennium Development Goals. </p> <p>We can liberate millions of people from daily suffering, and give them the resources to take control of their lives, and their destinies. </p> <p>So let future generations look back and say that they inherited a better world because – at this critical moment, at this difficult moment – we did not shrink from our responsibilities.</p> <p>Let them say that we rose to the challenge, that we kept our promise.<br></p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Deputy-Prime-Minister-Nick-Cleggs-speech-to-the-UN-General-Assembly/ unknown Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg's speech to the UN General Assembly 22 September 2010 Department for International Development UN General Assembly
<p class="date">16 September 2010</p> <h3>Speech by International Development Secretary Andrew Mitchell at the Royal College of Defence Studies on 16 September 2010 </h3> <p>Thank you Admiral Style. It is a real pleasure to speak at the Royal College of Defence Studies and to engage the class of 2011 in debate. </p> <p>Countless statesmen from the four corners of the world have walked these corridors and I am sure that among this year’s intake there are many future leaders.  It is therefore a great privilege to be able to speak to you today.</p> <h3>Introduction</h3> <p>Today, I want to talk about the causes and the cost of conflict, about the new security challenges that threaten Britain and trap millions in poverty, disease and injustice overseas. </p> <p>I will argue that as part of the government’s Strategic Defence Security Review (SDSR) we must reassess our response to overseas conflict - putting development at the heart of an integrated approach that supports the world’s most vulnerable people and protects Britain from external threats. </p> <p>As you know, the SDSR is still work in progress. I therefore cannot lay out the detail of our plans. But I will set the stage by suggesting that our policy must first and foremost be based on an integrated approach that involves the Foreign Office, DFID and the MoD; that it must look “upstream” to prevent conflicts as much as “downstream” to help countries after war; and that it must be informed by a rigorous assessment of lessons from past interventions. </p> <p>Three things distinguishes this SDSR from recent reviews: first, that it is a cross-departmental exercise where DFID is for the first time fully involved; secondly, that it is being undertaken by a coalition government; and thirdly, and most importantly, that it is being conducted during a major military operation. </p> <p>As I speak, courageous and committed men and women of our Armed Forces are risking their lives in Afghanistan. Their dedication, alongside that of civilian staff, places a special responsibility on us here in London – in the Cabinet and across Whitehall – to do everything within our power to shape and support an integrated effort. </p> <h3>Cost of conflict for the UK</h3> <p>There are those who suggest that giving aid to countries in conflict is pointless. They want money to be spent only on those developing countries that have a stable government and a well-established rule of law. Then there are those who deride the idea of stabilisation, of conflict- prevention - call it what you will – as busy-bodied do-gooderism.  They want the military to quell threats, but see no hope to affect the future of other people’s societies and to mitigate conflicts. </p> <p>More than most, this audience knows the folly of these arguments. You know that the direct and indirect consequences of conflict in the developing world spread far and wide. You have seen with your own eyes how conflict impacts on the most vulnerable people overseas, making long-term development impossible. </p> <p>The Coalition Government is proud of its commitment to spend 0.7% of gross national income in development aid from 2013. Helping to address conflicts in the developing world, fighting poverty among those caught in wars and violence, must be central to our aid policy if we are to help end global poverty.  </p> <p>I will say more about this shortly but let me begin by looking at the impact closer to home. Because conflict abroad also threatens our security and well-being here in Britain.  </p> <p>Conflict can create under-governed spaces overseas where terrorists are able to recruit and to plan attacks in the UK or on UK targets abroad. Terrorists can be based anywhere, including here in Britain, but they seek -- and benefit from -- turmoil and chaos overseas.  </p> <p>The fact that weak and under-developed states are often powerless to prevent organised crime from flourishing may seem irrelevant to British interests. But only at first glance. Many countries in West Africa and the Western Balkans, for example, act as hubs for illicit trade. Drugs and guns pass through these countries and end up on British streets. </p> <p>Conflict in the developing world also generates population change. Increasingly, those escaping persecution and violence in their own country, turn to protection elsewhere. And for many, the UK is the preferred destination. </p> <p>More than 80 per cent of asylum seekers in the UK come from conflict-affected countries. Those choosing to stay closer to their homes may still flee in their thousands internally or to neighbouring states – creating new conflicts over limited resources or between different groups of peoples. </p> <p>Finally, conflict overseas poses a threat to Britain’s future prosperity and potential for long-term growth. To take just one example: chaos in Somalia created the conditions for the piracy that preys on global shipping routes through the Red Sea, routes upon which the UK economy relies. </p> <p>In short, when it comes to conflict in the developing world, a philosophy of “out of sight out of mind” is simply naive. The indirect consequences of overseas conflict represent a real and present danger, a danger that cannot be dealt with exclusively by counter-terrorist means. A danger that we cannot hope to address by staying at home, bolting the door and drawing down the shutters. </p> <h3>Cost of conflict for development</h3> <p>Tackling conflict overseas is therefore very much in our national interests - even in a time of financial consolidation.</p> <p>But it is also in the interests of the world’s poor. In too many parts of the developing world prosperity will remain a distant dream unless and until we succeed in tackling many of the conflicts that block development. It is surely no coincidence that no fragile country has yet achieved a single Millennium Development Goal, the UN-agreed lodestars for UK development assistance. </p> <p>Nor is it a coincidence that 22 of the 34 countries furthest from reaching the MDGs are in the midst of – or emerging from – violent conflict. The challenges faced by these countries are immense: </p> <ul> <li>On average, one in three people living in fragile states is undernourished; this proportion is twice as high as in other developing countries</li> <li>Child mortality is five times that of middle income countries, and almost twice that of low income countries </li> </ul> <p>I spoke earlier about migration and its impact on Britain. But this is not only a global and regional problem; it is a developmental one. For when those migrants include the brightest and the best – as they often do – what hope is there for those they leave behind?  Their flight, from conflict-affected countries, which already lack human capital, to more developed countries, is one of the biggest barriers to development. </p> <p>Take Zimbabwe where, in recent times, only around a fifth of university graduates took up employment in their own country. In other words, conflicts are driving away the very people who can advance the cause of peace and promote development</p> <p>Non-governmental organisations such as Oxfam, Saferworld, International Alert, War Child and Save the Children have long known that the Millennium Development Goals cannot be met until we deal with overseas conflict. </p> <p>In its submission to the SDSR, Oxfam argued for using, and I quote, “development resources where there is a real threat of escalating violence”, recognising that the “UK’s long-term interest depends on supporting stability in many parts of the world.” </p> <p>This line of argument also has solid academic foundations. Paul Collier, the renowned Professor of Economics at Oxford University, put it well when he described war as “development in reverse”. He based his reasoning on the fact that, a civil war is estimated to cost a low income country an average of about 64 billion US dollars. In other words, the cost of a single conflict is more than half of the value of annual development aid worldwide. </p> <p>Turn it around, and the same picture emerges: the higher a country’s GDP per capita, the lower the risk of internal war.  A typical post-conflict country with no economic growth has a 42% risk of returning to conflict within ten years. But with 10% growth, the risk declines to 29%. So, each additional percentage point of growth reduces the risk of conflict. Of course there are exceptions – rich countries can fall apart too -- but development clearly begets peace. </p> <p>And let us remember too, that poor people living in dysfunctional states lose out twice over. Once because they are poor and once because of the insecurity and conflict that define their every waking moment. </p> <p>I have talked about the cost of conflict both for the UK and for the world’s poor. But I have left out one key argument; the moral one. In the post-Iraq context, it is commonplace to hear people reject any form of interventionism. </p> <p>Nevertheless, Britain has a proud tradition of standing up for a more equal world where people live in dignity and where they are protected from those who would harm them. As the Foreign Secretary said some time ago:  "it is not in our character to have a foreign policy without a conscience: to be idle or uninterested while others starve or murder each other in their millions is not for us”. </p> <p>He developed that argument yesterday, saying:  “Our foreign policy should always have consistent support for human rights and poverty reduction at its irreducible core.” I totally agree. We have to live up to that tradition and to be proud of our values, by supporting and protecting the most vulnerable. Future interventions - should they become necessary - will have to be what past ones were not - carefully considered, well-planned and properly resourced. But our commitment to help the vulnerable and persecuted endures.  </p> <p>This leads to the more difficult question – how do we help those countries ravaged by warfare, where governments are not legitimate or where they neglect rather than serve their citizens?  </p> <h3>Five lessons for the future</h3> <p>Working in these countries is incredibly difficult, not least because it is often so dangerous. Many of you will know this better than I. When I served as a very junior UN peacekeeper in Cyprus in the 1970s, the situation and tasks we had to tackle were very different from those being faced today. </p> <p>So, as we look to the future, I believe the SDSR must be informed by five lessons: </p> <p><strong>First</strong>, if we are to reap the ultimate reward, the reward of preventing wars before they start, we need to be better at identifying the potential for conflict. </p> <p>Our ‘upstream’ offer on conflict prevention must be as good as the one we have honed for ‘downstream’ during and in the aftermath of war. </p> <p>Spotting problems and knowing when to act on them is, of course, a notoriously difficult business. Even when warning signs have been clear, the international community has too often marshalled its resources and tools only after widespread violence has broken out – as in Kenya, Georgia and, earlier, in Rwanda, Kosovo and Bosnia. </p> <p>The answer lies in making sure that warnings, however faint, are brought to the attention of senior officials and ministers. It means that instead of taking the easy option of sticking with outdated plans or preconceived notions, the SDSR must create cross-government systems and cultures that will compel us to re-examine our policies and programmes, when needed. Systems that help us to understand the often complex causes of conflicts.  </p> <p>By ensuring that -- through the SDSR -- we create such systems, we will hopefully learn the lessons that previous governments failed to heed.</p> <p>Working upstream does not, of course, mean treating every conflict the <br>same. Not all conflicts have equal resonance for the UK, nor do we  have the resources, historical ties or the ability to prevent them all.  So it is important that when we in the National Security Council look at the many conflicts that may arise, we concentrate on those countries and regions that are at greatest risk; those that are of greatest interest to us; and those where the UK as a whole is likely to have the greatest impact. </p> <p>The <strong>second</strong> important lesson is that we must be willing to question important assumptions both in the military and in the development community. </p> <p>Take, for example, the commonly-held assumption that strengthening states is an end in itself. </p> <p>Now, I accept that no country has achieved lasting peace and development without a basic functioning state – that is, without a system to guarantee property rights, resolve disputes, and address inequalities. </p> <p>However, in some countries the state may well be part of the problem - especially where those in power show no interest in being held to account by their citizens or in delivering basic services like healthcare or clean water, not to mention security and justice. The formal trappings of statehood can often benefit a small, self-serving elite, but do little for the poorest people. I think particularly of Burma in this connection. </p> <p>Building an accountable state means putting the development of inclusive politics at the very heart of our response. In this new politics, the poor and marginalised are not just “vote blocks” for powerful land-owners or local warlords.  They are present – as elected representatives, as ministers, and even as officials – in the corridors of power.  In Nepal, for example, where many challenges still remain, there has been huge progress in increasing representation of marginalised groups in the Constitutional Assembly.</p> <p>I am not advocating old-style, externally-driven democracy promotion.  As the Foreign Secretary said in his speech yesterday, “elections alone do not create a free and democratic society”.  No, I am talking about the sensitive promotion of a political system that supports society and empowers citizens to hold their own leaders to account.  A political system that means citizens’ basic needs are met, a system that gives the poorest a stake in the way their country is run, and a say in their own development. </p> <p>This leads me to my <strong>third</strong> lesson: we must be realistic about the role that we, as outsiders, former colonial powers, even as one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, can achieve. </p> <p>To an international audience like yourselves, international cooperation is logical, but it bears underlining that no single donor or international player can hope to rebuild a country or address a long-simmering conflict. One supremely powerful nation or a small group acting in concert can win a war. But winning the peace takes many nations, working with international agencies, NGOs and others. </p> <p>In Kenya, we saw the unique pressure that regional organisations can bring to bear when former United Nations’ Secretary General, Kofi Annan – working on behalf of the African Union – successfully brokered a cessation to the post-election violence.  </p> <p>So, tackling conflict in today’s world means working harder with old partners and reaching out to new ones. The Foreign Secretary has talked about a "networked world" and about the foreign policy tools that will influence states which will come to dominate our times. </p> <p>Development policy must be similarly networked. We must engage multilateral and bilateral donors not only through established mechanisms but through innovative collaborations with new partners - like India and China, Indonesia, South Africa,  Turkey, Mexico and Brazil – partners whose reach is crucial if we are to tackle conflict and promote development. I will say more on this subject later this year; it is an important area and one where I want to see DFID charting new territory. </p> <p>My <strong>fourth</strong> lesson is that addressing the conflicts that mar the development process is no easy or quick feat. Building things up takes much longer than pulling them down. That is true not just of buildings, of homes, of bridges, of power stations but of the institutions of state –police forces, independent judiciaries,  bureaucracies, legislatures, free broadcasters and so on. But changing attitudes takes perhaps the longest time.  </p> <p>So, in Northern Uganda, DFID’s investment in youth today will yield dividends in generations to come.  In military-speak, this means that we need to show “strategic patience” if we are to see a return on our policy. By educating a generation of girls in Pakistan, we will be making a significant contribution to that country’s development in the years ahead.  But let’s be clear that this is a very long-term vision and it will take time for the results to show.</p> <p>The <strong>fifth and final</strong> lesson is that we must look for fresh ways of drawing together all the development, diplomatic and defence tools at the UK’s disposal. The wars of the future will not be the wars of the past. But some things we have learnt from past and ongoing wars will remain valid – the need for greater MoD, DFID and FCO cooperation is one of them.</p> <p>In Sierra Leone, for example, we saw the benefits of close civilian-<br>military cooperation. Here, peace depended not only on establishing     <br>basic security (in part, through military force) but also on addressing the underlying causes of conflict, such as corruption, youth unemployment and the exclusion of key social groups.  DFID’s ability to understand, and support the provision of security and justice from the perspective of the poor and vulnerable has been crucial in this success.</p> <p>I want to see DFID working even more closely with the MoD and the FCO, focused on preventing warfare and tipping the scales from conflict to peace in the world’s hotspots. I want to see not just a “comprehensive approach”, but what I think could be the next logical step, an “integrated approach” that brings the FCO, DFID and MoD together from the beginning to the end, from planning and execution through to the evaluation of our interventions. </p> <p>Of course, the level of policy and resource investment from different departments will vary widely in individual countries. The DRC is not Helmand. But it is surely right that wherever different departments have an interest, they work in a fully cooperative and integrated manner. Here, I hope we can use the SDSR to flesh out further details. </p> <p> But let me be clear: this is not a case of DFID being coerced to use its aid programme to meet others’ objectives. Nor is it a case of DFID officials simply handing over cash willy-nilly. Some of the stories that are currently doing the rounds in some newspapers are as absurd as they are ill-informed. Our aid will stick to development principles and to the OECD/DAC definition of what constitutes aid. We want the best possible outcomes for those living in fragile or conflict countries. </p> <p>Just as the military has doctrine – policy distilled through years of experience – so the development community has the DAC guidelines. In these guidelines, we have codified what works and, like the military uses doctrine, we use our guidelines to make sure our developmental efforts are as effective as they can possibly be.  </p> <p>But to get those best outcomes DFID must make sure that the development case is part of the Whitehall mix when decisions are being made so that we can do what is right for our national security and right for those who are suffering the direct consequences of conflict. And let’s be realistic about this: taxpayers expect us to be able to do both.</p> <h3>Looking ahead</h3> <p>My visit to Afghanistan in July – alongside the Foreign Secretary and the Defence Secretary - reaffirmed my view that well-spent aid is in our national interest.  Whilst the military is there to bring much-needed security, lasting peace will only be achieved through political progress backed by development. </p> <p>I therefore decided to expand our aid programme in Afghanistan by 40 per cent specifically to allow the UK to intensify its development work, improving outcomes and results on the ground, and accelerating progress to a more stable country.</p> <p>I have also taken great pains to underline my commitment to closer DFID-MoD cooperation</p> <ul> <li>In Afghanistan, Iraq, Yemen and in other countries, hundreds of DFID staff have gained first-hand experience of fragile states</li> <li>No fewer than 17 have also been honoured by Her Majesty The Queen for their work in dangerous environments </li> <li>During the recent Pakistan floods, DFID worked closely with MoD to ensure equipment was ferried to those most in need and;  </li> <li>It is, of course, no accident that I chose to make this speech here at the RCDS today</li> </ul> <p>Indeed, we have something of a burgeoning DFID/MoD fixture list: I have already played host to General Sir David Richards, the incoming Chief of Defence Staff while I have invited the outgoing CDS, Air Chief Marshal Sir Jock Stirrup to address DFID staff on the nexus between security and development.  The more we share our experiences, the more we will all learn. </p> <h3>Increasing our chances of success</h3> <p>Right now, the SDSR gives us the perfect opportunity to go further in coordinating Whitehall’s response to conflict and poverty. </p> <p>In the past, the UK took important steps to create cross-departmental bodies, bodies such as the Stabilisation Unit, that could improve cooperation between departments. The Helmand Provincial Reconstruction Team has also shown how effectively DFID, the Foreign Office and the military can work side by side. </p> <p>But there is scope to go further, learning from past experiences while  making better use of existing structures - drawing on whatever tools and instruments are most appropriate, without getting hung up on institutional provenance. </p> <p>I want to see more flexible, bespoke solutions crafted in response to specific needs on the ground. I want to see DFID, FCO, MoD and the Armed Forces working even closer together, for example delivering effective Security Sector Reform. </p> <p>The Stabilisation Unit is proof that this experience is possible; it is time now to build on this so that we can change mindsets and habits across Government. Cross-Whitehall cooperation should be second nature for DFID staff, and we will encourage our colleagues in the FCO and MoD to think and act similarly. This is what I have in mind when I say we should develop an “integrated approach”. </p> <p>As part of the SDSR we will be discussing new ways to develop the Conflict Pool – a unique cross-departmental funding arrangement -- so that it can better support the full breadth of our work in conflict-affected countries. </p> <p>But as we look ahead we will find ways of going further and faster. </p> <p>The Bilateral Aid Review, which I initiated as soon as I came to office is – as I speak - analysing DFID's programme in each country, looking at the results our programmes obtain and the value for money we get. This is a thorough bottom-up process and will focus on the detailed picture in each country.  </p> <p>Overall, however, I am pushing for us, in future, to spend more of the UK’s aid programme in conflict and fragile countries. Because in doing so we will maximise our impact on the lives of the most vulnerable, while also leveraging the contribution that aid can make to national security. And as we approach the UN MDG Summit next week there can be no better time for remembering that our ultimate goal is to ensure that all people in conflict countries - and wherever else poverty may exist -- have access to the food, health care, education and other services that they so desperately need. </p> <h3>Conclusion</h3> <p>Ladies and gentlemen, if you are  living in one of those dreadful camps in Darfur, it does not matter how much access to money, aid, trade or different articles of development you may have, because as long as the conflict continues, you will remain poor, frightened, dispossessed and angry. </p> <p>Just as conflict condemns people to remain in poverty, so it is wealth creation - jobs, enterprise, trade and engagement with the private sector - that enables people to lift themselves out of poverty.</p> <p>Yet without peace and security this cannot happen. For just as development cannot occur in the absence of peace, peace without development is a peace that may not last.</p> <p>This is true not only in places like Helmand, that rightly fill newspaper columns and are constantly in the nation’s thoughts, but also in places like Harare where economic development that can provide jobs and basic necessities, is essential to achieving stability. </p> <p>To achieve this stability we have to move beyond a zero-sum game, where one camp sees DFID, the MoD and FCO working together as suspicious; and the other argues an independent DFID, focused on poverty-alleviation is wasteful. The world’s poorest people have an interest in security and development. So do we. As your College’s motto so aptly proclaims: “Strength in Unity”.   We cannot achieve our goals if we do not work together.</p> <p>If trust is the most important part of any partnership; then it is vital when you are talking about a partnership as wide as ours. DFID needs to trust its partners both in government and outside to help it innovate and push boundaries.  The military must trust that DFID will do everything it can to support their mission.  And our NGO and charity partners must trust that this Government will never compromise its development principles.</p> <p>Because one thing is certain: the future holds many new and more difficult conflicts, conflicts that will inevitably threaten Britain and its people while also making it harder for us to achieve our goal of eradicating world poverty. </p> <p>I said one thing was certain. But actually there is a second certainty:  that we have the will and the determination to face up to those challenges. To shape thoughtful solutions that address the reality of conflict while also bringing lasting help to the millions living in its shadow. </p> <p>The choice is ours. To move forward with confidence, focusing on the poor and vulnerable in conflict-ravaged countries, working across government and beyond in a spirit of true partnership; or to run scared of change and to miss this golden opportunity to make the world a safer and more prosperous place for generations to come.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Development-in-a-Conflicted-World/ Andrew Mitchell Development in a conflicted world 16 September 2010 Department for International Development Royal College of Defence Studies
<p class="date">13 October 2010</p> <h3>Secretary of State for International Development Andrew Mitchell's speech on wealth creation at the London School of Economics on Tuesday 12 October 2010</h3> <p>Thank you Paul and Howard and thank you to the International Growth Centre for hosting this event. It is a particular pleasure to speak here this evening at the London School of Economics  an institution whose list of alumni reads like the edited highlights of "Who’s Who" and who yesterday added another Nobel prize winner to their tally. </p> <p>It was one of the LSE’s own founders, George Bernard Shaw, who once described poverty as the greatest of evils and the worst of crimes. A hundred years on I believe that just as we look back with disbelief at the social poverty of Shaw’s Britain, so future generations may yet judge us equally harshly - as passive colluders in global poverty. This government is not prepared to accept such a shameful distinction. </p> <p>That’s why at the UN Summit last month the Deputy Prime Minister led the way in calling for reinvigorated action across all the Millennium Development Goals and announced that Britain will by 2015 save the lives of at least 50,000 women and a quarter of a million newborn babies. We will do everything in our power, use every policy tool at our disposal, bang every head together, if necessary, in our determination to make life better for the world’s poorest. </p> <p>Just a month ago I spent an unforgettable night in the Azernet Berbera district of Ethiopia - 200 kilometres southwest of Addis Ababa. I wanted to see what conditions were like for the millions of Ethiopians living on less than a dollar a day. The family I stayed with were very poor. There were fourteen of us in the hut that night – not counting the livestock. But that family had access to the four key Millennium Goals. Within the last two years they had secured access to clean water, sanitation and basic healthcare. Six of the eight children are in school just ten minutes away (not least due to the good work of ActionAid). But they remain grindingly poor. Each child has only the clothes in which they stand. The battle to secure enough food is fought every day of the year. </p> <p>So, looking at those children, whose life chances contrast so dramatically with my own, I ask myself how their generation can exit from such grinding poverty. I suggest tonight that there are perhaps two key points.  The first is without question their access to education. And the second, as the farmer just up the road has realised; if he can join together with others to market the beans he grows, then he can access that golden thread of wealth creation that is a universal instinct. That story, that instinct, is what this speech is all about. </p> <p>Our generations, for the first time ever, have the huge opportunity to help people to move beyond mere survival. To a place where people and economies can grow. Where the private sector can unleash its immense development potential; where individuals can create their own wealth; and where countries can begin to rely on their own economies and not on the cheques or the charity of others. </p> <p>I do not underestimate the enormity of our task. Despite the progress that has been made since the Millennium Development Goals were set ten years ago we are a long way from eradicating poverty. The figures speak for themselves:</p> <ul> <li>70 million children cannot go to school; </li> <li>Almost 900 million people lack access to clean water;  </li> <li>Nearly a thousand women die every day in childbirth or from pregnancy-related causes; </li> <li>And more than 8 million children will never live to see their fifth birthday. </li> </ul> <p>No-one can listen to those statistics and feel comfortable. We all know there is no single answer to this. But what we do know is that economic growth contributes to development and that the private sector can be the engine of that growth.  Done right it promotes new jobs, new opportunities, new markets, new prosperity. The sinews of wealth creation. As even the former Prime Minister said recently in Kampala: "The job of aid is to kick-start business-led growth and not to replace it”. </p> <p>So I’ve come here to this great university tonight to make three points: </p> <ul> <li>The first is that it is wealth creation, jobs and livelihoods above all which will help poor people to lift themselves out of poverty. Aid is a means to an end, not an end in itself.</li> <li>Secondly, that we will bring a new energy to Britain’s promotion of wealth creation in development and reconfigure within my department to meet this challenge.</li> <li>And thirdly, that we will reposition CDC so that it rediscovers its development mission, and acts as an engine through which the British taxpayer supports inclusive investment in some of the poorest places in the world.</li> </ul> <p>So, let me begin by underlining the case for sustainable growth.  </p> <p>It’s easy to forget that poverty has been the natural state of humankind for thousands of years. It was only when the industrial revolution kick-started our manufacturing economy a couple of hundred years ago that Britain really accelerated its way out of poverty. This same pattern is evident in the history of all developed countries. The starting point might be different but the journey has been the same. Even America was poor once. </p> <p>The power of economic growth, and the importance of the path taken, is incontrovertible.  Compare South Korea and Zambia. In 1960 South Korea had a GDP per capita only twice that of Zambia. By 2009 as a direct result of their different growth paths and policies, South Korea's per capita income was nearly 40 times higher than Zambia’s, while the rate of children dying before their fifth birthday was 5 per thousand compared to Zambia’s 141.</p> <p>And look at China where, during the period of nearly 10 per cent growth per annum between 1990 and 2005, 475 million people were lifted out of poverty.</p> <p>Economic growth isn’t just an abstract process of statistics and percentage points: behind that slightly arcane language lie families and communities. For every extra percentage point of growth more schools can be built, more health facilities developed and more safe drinking water supplied.</p> <p>So - if you’re in the business of helping reduce poverty, you have to believe in economic development and growth.  Growth that is broad-based, inclusive and sustainable; in which all people benefit from the proceeds of prosperity; and in which even the poorest have access to the opportunities and markets that it creates.   </p> <p>What is our role? There is no magic growth cocktail. As Michael Spence said after chairing the Growth Commission, there is no recipe for growth, only ingredients. </p> <p>And we have to be humble. Politicians and bureaucrats don’t have a good track record at trying to pick winners or engineer growth. History is littered with the failures of those who have tried. </p> <p>But we always remember this: no country has grown on a sustained basis in recent times without successfully integrating itself into global markets. For a country to grow it has to be part of the global goods and services market and it must also be able to access global capital.  And it is the private sector that holds the key to that integration. </p> <p>If the private sector is going to deliver its full development potential in this regard, then countries need to get the climate right for both domestic and foreign investment.</p> <p>So, through our development work, we will help to build prudent macroeconomic policies, including monetary and fiscal policies, that support growth, low inflation and sustainable finances. </p> <p>And we will support developing countries as they identify and attempt to tackle the barriers to growth. This might mean helping them to build the legal infrastructure through which property rights and contractual agreements can be enforced, and investors assured that they will be treated fairly in all circumstances. Or it might mean developing the physical infrastructure by which supplies and goods can be transported, the communications infrastructure through which information can be disseminated or the financial infrastructure through which credit can freely flow.</p> <p>Ultimately, domestic investors are just as important if not more so than any amount of foreign direct investment.  If the private sector is to be the real engine of growth in a developing country, and the business leaders of tomorrow are going to emerge and lead the way, we must work with developing country governments to get some critical prerequisites in place:</p> <ol> <li>One: a competitive environment – a level playing field for all investors to enter the market place, without vested interests and other barriers thwarting fair market competition. </li> <li>Two: reduced barriers to market entry and to cross-border trade, which exist everywhere but are especially high in Africa. </li> <li>Three: an appropriate regulatory framework. Developing countries have, in many cases, made good progress on improving business regulations. Last year, out of 183 countries ranked by the World Bank for the ease and cost of doing business, Rwanda rose from 143rd place to 67th.  This meteoric rise has been achieved with their government’s leadership and donor support.  And thinking back to what it all means for individuals’ lives, in Afghanistan, for example, an entrepreneur in Kabul who wants to set up a business today no longer has to spend 3 months doing it as they did 5 years ago: it could be done by this time next week.</li> </ol> <p>Throughout all of this, of course, we must never forsake the local consumer, the local workforce and the local environment. Growth that simply squanders today’s assets at the cost of tomorrow’s, is not growth in the true sense of the word.  Future generations matter too. </p> <p>The importance of sustainable growth cannot be over-stated and I shall return to this theme at greater length next month when I speak on the subject of development and climate change.  But let me say this: over-farmed land, over-mined resources and over-depleted water supplies may yield benefits now but will drive even deeper poverty in years to come. </p> <p>The responsible exploitation of non-renewable mineral and petroleum resources is a case in point and is a topic that Paul explored in his excellent book: “The Plundered Planet”. This should be required reading for all governments.</p> <p>If countries are to invest in the responsible exploitation of non-renewable resources it is essential that they have in place a solid policy and regulatory framework to safeguard profits, collect taxes, regulate investors, ensure transparency and protect the environment. </p> <p>Throughout all of this the UK will lead by example:  </p> <p>Where British businesses invest and operate in developing countries, UK membership of the OECD – and our own beliefs and expectations -  require that they do so in a manner that is socially responsible, environmentally sound and legally compliant.  </p> <p>This Government strongly supports the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative and the OECD Guidelines on Multinational Enterprises. </p> <p>And let me be clear: this Government has a zero tolerance approach to corruption.  The new Bribery Act, passed earlier this year, puts beyond doubt the fact that bribery of foreign officials and office-holders by UK nationals constitutes corruption, and makes it punishable as such through the British courts.  Why it took the last Government so many years to put such vital legislation to Parliament, when the OECD Anti Bribery Convention was ratified as long ago as 1998, I don’t know.  There is no question that this Government supports it 100 per cent.  </p> <p>I move now to my second key point tonight.  It is my intention to recast DFID as a government department that understands the private sector, that has at its disposal the right tools to deliver and that is equipped to support a vibrant, resilient and growing business sector in the poorest countries. To do this we will need to add new types of people with different skills.</p> <p>I want to preface my comments by recognising that it is the state that must guarantee access for all to basic services such as education and health care, that are vital for quality of life and that represent a safety net for the most vulnerable. And it is the state that must get the enabling environment right for investment and growth. But when it comes to wealth creation it is the private sector that must take the lead in creating jobs and opportunities. </p> <p>And let me be clear about the lazy thinking that equates the private sector with some kind of ideological promotion of privatisation. We will support what works and we’ll be completely non-ideological about it. </p> <p>That’s why at the UN Summit last month I joined ten other Development Ministers in endorsing a commitment to strengthen our work with the private sector. And in promising to create a new Private Sector Department within DFID I have sent, I hope, the clearest of signals that I believe business has a vital role to play. </p> <p>This is the stuff of real change. There is already a genuine sense of excitement within DFID about what this new approach can achieve. I want this department to be the place that defines, lives and breathes the new DFID culture of private sector-led development, an example for other development bodies to follow. </p> <p>I want DFID to learn from business.  I want to explore how we might enrich DFID’s own talent pool with a series of short-term secondments from the private sector in order to inject new, business-savvy DNA into the department. </p> <p>I also want the new department to bring together representatives from business in ad hoc, time limited groups, being bold and finding creative solutions to development challenges. That, after all, is what business does so very well.</p> <p>Let me give you just a few examples of the sort of creativity that private sector companies in their core business have already shown.</p> <p>In India, the health company, Lifespring, plans to provide quality ante and post natal care for 82,000 women at some 30 to 50 per cent of the market rate through specialisation in maternal healthcare, optimal use of resources and cost-sharing of ambulances, laboratories and pharmacies. In doing this, it will also help to build capacity in the health system by employing more than four thousand doctors, nurses and outreach workers. </p> <p>Then there is Unilever, which has equipped more than 25,000 women known as Shakti entrepreneurs in India and Bangladesh to sell products such as toothpaste or tea to people living in hard-to-reach areas – in turn, allowing them to afford healthcare for their families and schooling for their children.  </p> <p>And Thomson Reuters, which has developed a text-messaging service that provides up to a quarter of a million Indian farmers with access to information that will improve yields and increase incomes across the agricultural industry. </p> <p>These businesses are prime examples of innovation in action and exactly the sort of thing the new private sector department will champion. </p> <p>We want to do more work with companies like this.  There are already some exciting examples of collaboration between DFID and businesses which have led to the harnessing of technology and business innovation for development goals.</p> <p>Advance Market Commitments have helped incentivise investment by major pharmaceutical firms who might otherwise have steered clear from costly research and development on products much needed in the developing world.  By working with the Gates Foundation and others, DFID has helped to create an international market for a vaccine against pneumococcal diseases – amongst the biggest child killers in the developing world.</p> <p>And let us consider the massive success of M-PESA, the result of a collaboration which saw DFID seed-funding some early product development by Vodafone.  Thanks to this partnership a simple but game-changing product – a mobile-phone based money transfer service – has succeeded in allowing millions of the country's very poorest people to engage in the economy in ways they've never done before. The number of Kenyan adults with access to financial services rocketed by nearly ten million in just three years. </p> <p>Now, building on this success, Vodafone and the local Equity Bank have launched M-KESHO, a facility that is helping people to open savings accounts for the first time in their lives. This has inspired similar initiatives – with nearly 70 mobile money platforms across the world. And the M-PESA platform is now being used to pay policemen in Afghanistan. Something so small transforming lives on a massive scale.</p> <p>And whether in micro-finance, branchless banking, solar energy, or biogas the private sector can be the touchstone for other equally exciting and revolutionary innovations. What will be tomorrow’s M-PESA?</p> <p>It would be remiss of me to talk about private sector innovation without making the point that a successful conclusion to the Doha round of trade talks could transform the economic landscape of the very countries we are all trying to help.  We must not lose sight of the fact that Doha was always intended to be a development round, and if successful could bring gains for poor countries which amount to three times the volume of global aid.</p> <p>Indeed, I hope you will agree that this Government is earning itself something of a reputation as a passionate advocate of free and fair trade. The Prime Minister spoke out forcefully at the G20 in Toronto and will reinforce this point at next month’s G20 meeting in Seoul, including the need for G20 countries to do more for the Least Developed.</p> <p>This Government has consistently pushed in Europe for the extension of GSP + privileges to Pakistan and will continue to do so.  And, following the devastating floods that hit that country in August, it was our Prime Minister who helped secure agreement for the EU to put in place an immediate reduction in tariffs on goods imported from Pakistan. This measure will provide Pakistan and its people with a vital window in which to rebuild its economy. </p> <p>And in Africa, where growth and poverty reduction prospects are constrained because of the high costs of trading, we have helped to set up one-stop border posts and have promised to support the proposed Pan African Free Trade Area across the continent.</p> <p>It is also worth remembering that developing countries represent a huge market that richer economies can tap into, something described by the author and management guru, C.K. Prahalad as the “the bottom of the pyramid”. Open markets are a two-way street that can therefore benefit British businesses as well as bringing much needed revenue, product choice, technology, services and cheaper goods to people in developing countries.</p> <p>I turn now, Ladies and Gentlemen, to the third and final issue I would like to address today: CDC.  Founded in 1948 and formerly known as the Commonwealth Development Corporation, CDC is the Government’s development investment vehicle that – if we get it right – should be a vital ingredient in the work on wealth creation that I have discussed today.  </p> <p>CDC has the potential to be the jewel in the crown of the UK’s support to the private sector in developing countries. But it has lost its way.  </p> <p>CDC has come on a journey.  In its first phase, when its expertise was more developmentally than financially focused, its record of achieving investment returns was at best uneven and its stewardship of public money sometimes seriously deficient.  In its second phase the balance has tipped too far the other way.  If CDC only does what the private financial sector can do, then what is its raison d’être?  </p> <p>The answer is that CDC needs to reinvigorate its development DNA, marrying this together with business know-how and financial discipline. Of course, profitability is important, it is CDC’s profitability that has enabled it to keep investing hundreds of millions of pounds without receiving a penny of tax-payers’ money since 1995.  And CDC should look to invest in enterprises that can be profitable.  It is only when businesses are profitable that they will be sustainable beyond aid, and continue to generate incomes and jobs and taxes when development agencies have moved on.  But CDC must rebalance; it must strive towards both development and financial gains.</p> <p>In its current configuration as a Fund of Funds CDC has, in some ways, been a remarkable success.  In terms of financial performance we should applaud the achievement of turning £1 billion into £2.5 billon since 2004. </p> <p>In turning this profit, it has lately become the target of fierce criticism for enriching its executives – and directing its investment activities at opportunities which were already financeable by the private sector.  It is important to keep a sense of proportion in all of this.  The fact that China, India and Africa can now attract private equity capital in ever-growing amounts should be a source of pleasure and vindication to all those who believe in the power of the private sector. Memories can be short when it comes to recalling how difficult and unlikely some of this seemed 10 or even 5 years ago.  </p> <p>And if some of CDC’s investments have been directed at opportunities which could have attracted capital elsewhere, at least their success has given us a substantially enhanced pool of capital to direct at the smaller group of countries on which this very economic success now allows us to concentrate.  </p> <p>Nevertheless the stinging attacks directed at CDC are not without justification.  In its current form it was poorly conceived and was left largely undirected by Government. It became less directly engaged in serving the needs of development.  The last government announced its privatisation without understanding either the difficulty of executing such a strategy or its likely consequences.  </p> <p>So when it was rebuffed by the markets it resorted to the expedient of keeping the capital in public ownership whilst privatising the management. The consequences were inevitable: using public capital CDC pursued the narrowly-defined private sector goals for which it was incentivised, and this meant the greatest return for the least risk.  This was hardly likely to be consistent with concentrating its efforts in the regions of greatest development need and it was not.</p> <p>Worse, the private equity Fund of Funds structure has sometimes locked it in to the pursuit of investment opportunities where its capital is not needed. </p> <p>Not only is this a wasted opportunity; it is also a waste of spirit, of motivation and of a 50-year tradition of public service motivated by the desire to do something good for others and to create a world-leading development institution of which the British people could be proud. It would be unfair of me to say that this old spirit of CDC has been lost entirely. It is still there in the halls of CDC.  But it has been substantially weakened through the 100% reliance on outside Fund managers. </p> <p>So - the current approach needs a major overhaul.  CDC should provide pound for pound the most effective development effort in the world.   We have to understand where the money is going, know why we have chosen to invest it in that way and have effective mechanisms to monitor whether it had the result we intended.  We need to see a radical change in the way CDC operates, in the instruments it offers and in its internal management structure.</p> <p>In my statement to the House of Commons this morning I said that the Government will reconfigure CDC.  We will create a revitalised CDC with a great deal more clarity and ambition over what it does and where it works.</p> <p>Specifically, I shall be proposing that CDC reduce new commitments to future third party Funds and consider the benefits of liquidating some of its existing investment where this can be done on attractive terms.  I do not propose that we end commitments to new third party Funds since they can be the most appropriate way to mobilise funding in some countries and for some investment purposes.  They can also be effective at mobilising third party capital alongside ours and I do not discount the value of the demonstration effect where they genuinely open new markets to private sector investment.  But the Fund of Funds model should make up no more than a part of a new, broader and more actively managed portfolio. </p> <p>CDC should regain its power to make investments directly in target markets. I envisage that, at least to start with, this would be done through co-investment with other sources of capital where, by doing so, CDC could make possible desirable investments which could not otherwise be made. Its criteria for such investments in terms of geography, sector or purpose could be published and investors in qualifying projects could approach CDC for support. Such investors might be private equity investors, possibly but not necessarily, those with whom CDC is already invested, struggling to find capital for a desirable qualifying project. They could also be local investors, the World Bank’s International Finance Corporation or other development agencies.  It is too big a step to move in one go from where we are now to a fully fledged investment operation managing investments on its own. But I want CDC to start down the road to making its own investment decisions.  </p> <p>In addition to regaining some investment control, CDC should be encouraged to participate through a wider range of vehicles.  I should like it to be able to invest in debt instruments and provide guarantees.  Greater flexibility will enable it to build a more diversified portfolio in terms of risk, maturity and liquidity. Debt instruments and guarantees as part of its offering could make it a more flexible and useful partner to the providers of equity for appropriate projects in the poorest parts of the world.</p> <p>I should like CDC to develop a more active approach to portfolio management. Its purpose is to invest in targeted countries or sectors where capital is otherwise not available – to provide patient capital to finance and kick-start private investment in the most difficult regions - not the most immediately desirable. There is no reason why it should stay around when other capital has become available.  CDC has received much criticism for finding itself invested in projects and places for which abundant private sector capital is now available. This is partly the result of its 100% commitment to an inflexible private equity Fund of Funds model but to be fair it is partly a result of the success of that very model. Where success has been achieved, however, we need at least to try to find liquidity for our investments so that the capital can be recycled much more quickly to new targets. </p> <p>I should also like CDC to develop more financial firepower.  The illiquidity of its investments and its considerable uncalled commitments to existing Funds means that it will take a long time to free up capital for more active and direct investment.  I would therefore like CDC to regain its power to borrow.  This must be constrained within prudent limits but the ability to do so will give us the power to move more quickly and more effectively. </p> <p>And in all it does I shall continue to expect CDC to show that it is improving the way in which firms in the poorest countries operate – and that CDC monitors and demands improvements in the conditions under which people work. I also expect CDC to demand more effective treatment of environmental issues, more transparency and a rigorous approach to corruption.</p> <p>Ladies and Gentlemen, if we make these reforms, CDC will become a distinctive, innovative and differentiated development finance institution – with clearly measurable development impact and additionality, and a new commitment targeted throughout Sub-Saharan Africa and the poorer parts of Asia.  I want CDC to be more focused on the poorest countries than any other DFI, doing the hardest things in the hardest places. More investment in businesses which would never otherwise have been considered; more capital unlocked to boost the potential of hundreds of new enterprises employing thousands of people and paying their fair share of revenues to their local exchequers.  Economic development stimulated and communities empowered.  The prize is great indeed.</p> <p>Now there are some in the audience, I am sure, who at this stage, will expect me to identify today those sectors where I want CDC to focus in future. This is a complex area. Infrastructure and energy are at the top of my list.  That family I stayed with in Ethiopia: how much better their lives and their local economy would be if there were a better road network to link their products to markets and electricity allowing them to be productive throughout the day and those long hours of darkness. But I want to listen to a range of views before taking any decisions. The correlation between investment and poverty-reduction is not straight forward. </p> <p>So, from NGOs to business, from Oxfam to Lazard, we welcome your views. Views on which sectors CDC should focus in order to generate the highest wealth creation impact for the poor. I have asked CDC and DFID to commission independent studies, the findings of which will be made public through DFID’s website. The Department will also be launching a consultation, outline details of which will be available online tomorrow. I will listen and then make further announcements early next year.  CDC will reflect the necessary changes in the business plan which they will publish in the spring. </p> <p>Regaining power over the investment of capital needs to be staged carefully and will need resources of human capital additional to the often highly-committed and dedicated people working at CDC at the moment.</p> <p>I want people to be proud of working for CDC, to see it as a badge of honour.  I want CDC to regain its identity, its spirit and its energy – to rediscover its developmental DNA.  I want it to inspire at home and abroad as our repository of knowledge of how to make development investing work.  </p> <p>CDC must attract people of the highest calibre, people who are passionate about development investment and whose expertise is rewarded by remuneration that is fair and appropriate – but not excessive.  So as part of the period of consultation, I will consult on what that remuneration structure should be. </p> <p>Let me be clear about this: I do believe that there is a willingness on the part of many qualified people to come and engage in such a vital and exciting enterprise without the need for excessive financial incentives.  I want to appeal to people who are motivated by something other than money, something that our generations for the first time have the ability to do – to drive sustainable growth and development and help people lift themselves out of poverty. They may be young, brilliant and determined to save the world. Or they may be older and experienced, successful and less interested in their own financial reward, seeking instead to leave their footprint in the sand of a truly noble endeavour. We intend to set about the business of mobilising such people and supporting them in every way we can to build an enterprise and a success of which Britain can be proud.</p> <p><strong>Conclusion</strong></p> <p>Ladies and Gentlemen, I have set out this evening my vision for a world where development is embedded through inclusive economic growth, where wealth creation is the route out of poverty and where the private sector is the catalyst. </p> <p>I want to say to you publicly, the leaders of British business, that you have an incredibly important role to play in combating global poverty.  We’re all in this together.  I look forward to working with you.  </p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Wealth-creation-speech/ Andrew Mitchell Andrew Mitchell's speech on wealth creation 13 October 2010 Department for International Development London School of Economics
<p class="date">13 October 2010</p> <p>The Secretary of State for International Development (Mr. Andrew Mitchell): </p> <p>I wish to inform the House of the Government’s decision to reconfigure CDC in order radically to increase its development impact. </p> <p>CDC has the potential to be the jewel in the crown of the UK’s support to the private sector in developing countries. In the past, when its expertise was more developmentally than financially focused, its record of achieving investment returns was at best uneven. Subsequently, the balance has tipped too far the other way. CDC now needs to reinvigorate its development DNA and marry this together with business know-how and financial discipline. It must strive towards both development and financial gains.</p> <p>As a Fund of Funds, CDC has in some ways been a remarkable success. In terms of financial performance, we applaud the achievement of turning £1 billion into £2.5 billion since 2004. But CDC has become less directly engaged in serving the needs of development. Using public capital CDC pursued the narrowly-defined private sector goals for which it was incentivised and this meant the greatest return for the least risk. This was not consistent with concentrating its efforts in the regions of greatest development need.  </p> <p>We will create a revitalised CDC with a great deal more clarity and ambition over what it does and where it works.</p> <p>Specifically, I shall propose that CDC reduce new commitments to future third party funds and consider the benefits of liquidating some of its existing investments where this can be done on attractive terms. We will not end commitments to new third party Funds since they can be the most appropriate way to mobilise funding in some countries and for some investment purposes. But the Fund of Funds model should make up no more than part of a new, broader and more actively managed portfolio. </p> <p>CDC should regain its power to make investments directly in target countries. This could be done through co-investment with other sources of capital where, by doing so, CDC would make possible desirable investments which could not otherwise be made.  </p> <p>In addition to regaining greater investment control, CDC should be committed to participating through a wider range of vehicles, including investment in debt instruments and the provision of guarantees. Greater flexibility will enable it to build a more diversified portfolio in terms of risk, maturity and liquidity.</p> <p>I should like CDC also to develop a more active approach to portfolio management. Its purpose is to invest in the poorest countries or sectors where capital is otherwise not available – to provide patient capital to finance and kick-start private investment in the most difficult regions. </p> <p>CDC also needs more financial firepower. It needs to try to find liquidity for its investments so that capital can be recycled more quickly to new targets. We are also exploring how CDC could regain its power to borrow. This would give CDC the ability to move more quickly and more effectively.</p> <p>CDC must continue to show that it is improving the way in which firms in the poorest countries operate, and that it monitors and demands improvements in the conditions under which people work. CDC must also continue to demand more effective treatment of environmental issues, more transparency and a rigorous approach to corruption.</p> <p>These reforms will enable CDC to become a distinctive, innovative and differentiated Development Finance Institution, with clearly measurable development impact and additionality, and new commitments targeted throughout Sub-Saharan Africa and the poorer parts of Asia. I want CDC to be more pro-poor focused than any other Development Finance Institution, doing the hardest things in the hardest places.</p> <p>Identifying the sectors on which CDC should focus in future is a complex area. The correlation between investment and poverty-reduction is not straight forward. The Government wants to listen to a wide range of views before taking any decisions. CDC and DFID will commission independent studies which will be made public on the DFID website and my Department is also launching a consultation, outline details of which will be available on Wednesday 13th October.</p> <p>Regaining greater power over the investment of capital needs to be staged carefully, will take time, and will need resources of human capital additional to the dedicated people working for CDC at the moment. CDC must attract people of the highest calibre, who are passionate about pro-poor investment and whose expertise is rewarded by remuneration that is fair and appropriate, but not excessive. As part of the consultation, I will consider what that remuneration structure should be.</p> <p>I shall make a further announcement early next year and CDC will reflect the necessary changes in the business plan which they will publish in the spring.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Written-statement-to-the-House-of-Commons-on-reform-of-CDC-Group-plc-/ Andrew Mitchell Written statement to the House of Commons on reform of CDC Group plc 13 October 2010 Department for International Development House of Commons
<p class="date">15 November 2010</p> <h3>International Development Secretary Andrew Mitchell's speech to the Pakistan Development Forum in Islamabad on 15 November 2010</h3> <p>Mr Prime Minister, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentleman</p> <p>I am delighted to be here today. This is the 4th time that I have visited Pakistan this year: the first was in January while I was still in opposition; the second was in June as my first overseas visit in Government; I visited in August during the dreadful floods and today to pledge my support to the future development of Pakistan. </p> <p>The UK has a long and close friendship with Pakistan. But I know I speak for the entire international community when I say what happens in Pakistan matters for the rest of the world. And I want to acknowledge here Pakistan’s sacrifices in the struggle against terrorism. We all want to see a vibrant future for this country. </p> <p>Pakistan can realise that goal. It sits at the crossroads of South Asia, Central Asia, China and the Middle East. It is the sixth most populous country in the world. And in my visits here, I have always been struck by the vibrant entrepreneurship of the Pakistani people, the importance they attach to education and the spirit of zakat.</p> <p>The question for us all here at the Pakistan Development Forum is how we support Pakistan to realise that potential and support the Minister of Finance and his excellent team.</p> <p>Pakistan faces enormous challenges. Economic growth needs to reach 8% just to keep pace with population growth. The Millennium Development Goals are off-track. Half of the adult population is illiterate. Women are particularly disadvantaged. And security and corruption are pressing and immediate concerns.</p> <p>On top of these challenges, as I saw in August, is that the floods have left millions of people destitute and homeless. Through the massive and commendable joint efforts of the Government of Pakistan and the international community, we are slowly moving into the recovery phase. But as we have seen from the Damage and Needs Assessment, the losses are approaching ten billion dollars. And it will take years to rebuild the lives and livelihoods of those who have been affected. </p> <p>So we cannot underestimate the desperate needs of those affected by the floods. But nor can we ignore the plight of millions of others trapped in poverty and hopelessness. Underlying this is the urgent need to lay the foundations of an economy that can sustain economic growth above 8%.</p> <p>Last month, the UK published its Comprehensive Spending Review which set out our plans to make significant cuts in our public spending. The UK Government has had to make difficult and unpopular decisions. But it was absolutely essential to address the deficit so that we can build our economic potential. Having taken these decisions, we are now on the road to recovery.</p> <p>Pakistan is at a similar crossroads. To realise its economic potential, it will have to implement some difficult, short-term reforms, to gain real long term benefits. Three key issues stand out for me.</p> <p>A stronger tax base that does not balance the books on the backs of the poor. The Federal Board of Revenue and its provincial equivalents must be strengthened to implement existing tax laws. But in the short term, to stave off a crisis, the General Sales Tax must be implemented. British taxpayers can’t be expected to support your development if the wealthy in Pakistan don’t pay their dues.</p> <p>Second, the need to reform state-owned enterprises and tackle corruption to get the best value for public money.</p> <p>And third, the need to reform the energy sector. Government subsidies are using up valuable revenues while power outages cripple business and leave millions of people sitting in darkness. But more reliable power means higher prices. </p> <p>I know progress is being made in these areas. The Government has taken tough decisions to increase electricity prices by 2% a month and has tabled the General Sales Tax before Parliament. Ultimately, it is the Pakistani Government that must own and drive these reforms with the support of the international community. We cannot and should not impose change but we can support your efforts, providing assistance in step with your readiness to take the brave decisions that are needed. I am pleased that the Government has called on the IMF and World Bank to support them in delivering these reforms. Their support is critical. I am pleased also that the UK has played a leading role in the EU’s initiative to cut tariffs on key Pakistani exports. The EU will shortly be asking the WTO for a waiver and I hope that all countries will support us in ensuring this is approved quickly. </p> <p>As a politician and friend of democratic government, I know that these reforms are unpopular and difficult. The same is true for any government. But that is exactly when we politicians earn our pay. Not just those of us in Government but those in opposition as well. We need to provide a long-term vision if we are to ask people to accept the need for painful reforms. </p> <p>I want to reassure Prime Minister Gilani and his team, as well as the Pakistani people, that they are not alone in facing these difficult decisions. The international community will stand by them. </p> <p>That means in the short-term we must support reconstruction. For our part, the UK is prepared to support the Family Compensation Scheme, which the Minister of Finance mentioned in his speech, provided we can ensure the funds reach those most in need. And we will aim to ensure our education programmes in the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkwa support the rehabilitation and reconstruction of schools that have been damaged by the floods. </p> <p>But over the medium-term, donors must get better at supporting the Government of Pakistan. I look forward to co-chairing the Aid Effectiveness session this afternoon and to agreeing how we – as donors – can commit to concrete improvements in the way we work, inclduing better donor co-ordination and clearer prioritisation. </p> <p>Ladies and Gentleman, let me conclude my remarks by saying these are challenging times for Pakistan. But I know I speak for all of my international colleagues when I say we are determined to ensure we play our part in supporting that difficult transition.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Opening-remarks-at-plenary-session-for-Pakistan-Development-Forum/ Andrew Mitchell Pakistan Development Forum 15 November 2010 Department for International Development Pakistan Development Forum in Islamabad
<p class="date">09 November 2010</p> <h3>Speech by International Development Minister Stephen O'Brien at the HIV Care and Support: A Roadmap to Universal Access by 2015, International Conference, hosted by UK Consortium on AIDS and International Development.</h3> <p>First of all I would like to thank the UK Consortium on AIDS and International Development for organising this conference. It is great to see so many partners from around the world here today.   </p> <p>The Consortium brings real value to the issues we all care so passionately about.  Part of their strength is the way they bring together so many different organisations to work towards a world free of AIDS. Of course, I am a part of a coalition as well, so I know how creative and energising collaboration like this can be.    </p> <p>I’d like to spend a few moments on the Coalition Government’s approach to International Development before I turn to the specifics of HIV and the care and support of those affected.</p> <p>We’ve just seen a historic moment.  As part of the Spending Review announcement, the Chancellor set out how we will spend 0.7% of our Gross National Income on overseas aid from 2013, helping the billion people in the world who live in extreme poverty.  I am proud that - even in these difficult times - the UK has chosen not to balance the books on the backs of the world’s poorest.   I hope you are too.  </p> <p>Against the backdrop of the deficit, this ring-fenced budget puts a huge responsibility on Government to spend the money wisely.  As we ask people to made hard choices at home, we have to be able to demonstrate that our aid programme represents the most effective use of taxpayers’ money.  That’s why we have recently established the IACI, which will provide rigorous independent evaluation of our aid programme and ensure accountability and transparency in what we do.  Now more than ever we need to be focused on where we add value and on what delivers results – and account for every penny we spend.  </p> <p>That is why our Secretary of State has instigated a series of reviews of the DFID aid programme to determine how we can achieve best value for money for the British taxpayer and accelerate progress towards the MDGs.   I know that many people in this room have already fed views into this process and thanks you for the contributions you have made.   </p> <p>This is not a new agenda for people in this room.  People living with HIV – and the organisations working in this area – have led the way in mobilising communities and holding Governments to account.  Now I hope other parts of the international development community can learn from your experience and success.  </p> <p>Because we have seen success.  A decade ago, who would have imagined that we would have over 5 million people on treatment?    Or that the epidemic would have stabilised in most regions, with a 17% reduction in the number of new infections in 2008 compared to 2001?  Or that the price of first line AIDS drugs would have fallen by 99% from 2000 to 2008.  That is testament, in part, to the efforts of people in this room.   </p> <p>But there is - of course - also a tremendous way to go: over 33 million people are living with HIV.  Globally, AIDS is one of the leading causes of death among women of reproductive age - and a major cause of maternal and child mortality and ill health in high prevalence settings. More than 2.1 million children are infected and, under new WHO treatment guidelines, at least 14.6 million are now in need of treatment.  In Sub-Saharan Africa, the epidemic has orphaned more than 14 million children. </p> <p>That is why the Coalition Government has made improving the health of poor people in developing countries - including curbing the spread of HIV and AIDS - a top priority.   In June at Muskoka, the G8 reaffirmed its commitment to come as close as possible to universal access to HIV prevention, AIDS treatment, care and support.   Progress against these targets will be reviewed at a UN General Assembly special session in June next year.  The Coalition Government will play its part in taking this forward.    </p> <p>I know that many of you want to know what the Coalition government is going to do on HIV and AIDS; whether we will continue to show the international leadership on this issue that UK government and organizations have become renowned for.   Well, we will review the UK Government’s forward approach to HIV and AIDS in the light of findings from the bilateral and multilateral aid reviews.   But today, I want to suggest three areas where efforts must undoubtedly focus:</p> <p>Firstly, we should focus on empowering people - especially marginalised groups and women and girls - to protect themselves from HIV and to access the treatment, care and support they need.  The Coalition has been clear that women and children's health are at the centre of what we do.  As well as being disproportionately vulnerable to HIV in sub-Saharan Africa, women and girls bear much of the burden of care and support, usually unpaid. This intensifies poverty. Gender inequality and gender based violence are significant factors fuelling the epidemic. </p> <p>Women and children affected by HIV and AIDS will benefit from the Government’s prioritisation of reproductive, maternal and newborn health.  The UK is committed to doubling the number of lives of women and babies saved through UK aid by 2015. As a result, at least 50,000 more women and 250,000 babies will survive pregnancy and childbirth and 10 million more couples will get access to family planning.  DFID is developing a new business plan, which will set out how the UK will achieve its contribution towards achieving MDG 5 to improve maternal health.  This will also make an important contribution to reducing child mortality (MDG 4) – particularly through improving the survival chances of newborn babies.  We have had a fantastic response to our public consultation. Thank you to those of you who contributed. Later this year we will publish a summary of responses of all the feedback submitted.</p> <p>Second, we have to focus on the underlying drivers of the epidemic such as poverty, gender-based violence and inequality, stigma and discrimination.  Here as elsewhere we need greater evidence on which interventions have impact, and more imaginative ways of measuring that impact.  </p> <p>Finally we should be innovative – both in leveraging resources for the response and in ensuring the money we spend reaches those in most need.  For example cash transfer programmes have been shown to be highly effective in reaching vulnerable children, including those affected by HIV, and promoting their access to basic services. In Kenya for example, the National Cash Transfer Programme for Orphans and Vulnerable Children reached around 70,000 households by the end of 2009. And in Malawi, cash transfers targeted to help girls stay in school reduced the risk of HIV infection.  That’s why my department will explore using cash transfers more often, where appropriate, combined with a stronger focus on evaluation. </p> <p>Care and support has for too long been the neglected sister in the universal access family.  In order to achieve MDG 6, more focus is needed on the broader care and support needs of adults and children living with, and affected by, AIDS.   This includes prevention of, and treatment for, opportunistic infections; nutrition; palliative and home-based care; as well as broader support services.   Quality care is important to maintain the health of a person living with HIV before they require treatment, and to secure the benefits of treatment once they are on ARVs – including minimising the risk of them developing resistance to their drugs. </p> <p>The impact of AIDS, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, is enormous and individuals, families and communities need to be supported to be able to cope with its consequences.  And an effective response to HIV and AIDS must include the protection of human rights, action on stigma and discrimination, support for orphans and vulnerable children, wealth creation and community-wide responses to the epidemic.</p> <p>Home-based caregivers and community organisations led some of the earliest responses to HIV in many countries, and continue to play a key role in settings where health services are overstretched or unavailable.   Palliative care should be an integral part of the AIDS response – not only the best possible end-of-life care, but also relief from pain. That is why DFID is currently supporting efforts to improve access to pain control medicines.</p> <p>This is a complex agenda - we should be wary of anyone who offers us a silver bullet.   The way forward is harder than that.  We will keep making the case for prevention as the sustainable response, but we will also continue to push for increased access to treatment and, crucially, for the care and support that will remain necessary for years to come.  And this must be underpinned by innovative approaches, allowing those affected by HIV to take charge of their health, their lives, their future.  </p> <p>That’s the way to an AIDS-free world.   I look forward to working in partnership with you as we continue to work towards it.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/HIV-care-and-support/ Stephen O'Brien HIV care and support 09 November 2010 Department for International Development HIV Care and Support: A Roadmap to Universal Access by 2015, International Conference
<p class="date">01 November 2010</p> <p><strong>Speech by the Right Honourable Alan Duncan MP, Minister of State for International Development at the Chatham House Yemen Forum Conference on 1 November 2010</strong></p> <p>As a personal Friend of Yemen for more than 20 years I’m grateful to be speaking at this timely and important event today, albeit I regret the deteriorating security backdrop to our discussion of this important country.  It doesn’t take me to tell you that there has been a huge increase in international attention to Yemen during the last year or so – this has been in parallel with an increase in Yemen’s fragility and the potential impact of this not only on Yemeni citizens, many of whom are amongst the world’s most vulnerable, but also on global security. We have seen only this weekend how its impact reaches across the world. The threat we face from Al Qaeda is global and it is inter-connected. This most recent plot encompassed Yemen, the UAE, Germany, the UK and the US – and as such requires a collective response.</p> <p>Politically, Yemen presents us with difficult choices. Many think that the window of opportunity for preventing State failure in Yemen is closing and there are perhaps two schools of thought on that:  either the country is heading for collapse or somehow it will muddle through as it always has done.  Whichever you think is the case, I don’t think either Yemen or the international community can afford to sit around to ‘wait and see which prediction is right’.  </p> <p>For Yemen’s sake, we must not take the risk of doing nothing, hoping that things will just muddle through: dancing on the heads of snakes has had its day.  Any effort spent on preventing state failure now is a million times better than the effort that would be needed to cope with any state failure later.  Yemen on the brink therefore presents us with a pioneering opportunity.  So let’s see for once if early intervention can secure a fragile state’s future. We’ve got to try to secure Yemen’s future before it’s too late.  In short, we must hope for the best, but assume the worst. </p> <p>Yemen paints a worrying picture. It is running out of oil, running out of water and may be running out of time, while the world is in some eyes running out of patience.  </p> <p>From a development perspective we know that Yemen has not and will not meet any of its Millennium Development Goals.  It has the worst figures for the position of women in society in the world; food insecurity and malnutrition are on the rise; its population growth is one of the world’s highest; and its macro-economy has been failing, hitting a budget deficit of over $2 billion at the end of last year.  But these are not its only problems.  Internal conflicts in the north and the south continue to generate cause for concern, and there is some anxiety about the suspected violation of human rights and about Yemen’s 300,000 internally displaced people.  </p> <p>Weak government capacity and its inability in the past to implement key reforms have left much of its population without basic services, without jobs, without security and justice.  All this has the potential to exacerbate local grievances felt by Yemenis and it gives Al Qaeda an easy target for exploitation.  </p> <p>And this is grim. The lesson from other countries is that if we sit around and analyse a country on the edge of collapse for too long, by the time we decide to do anything about it it’s already too late. That may be just where we may be heading with Yemen.    </p> <p>So we must now make a choice.  I think we should follow the precautionary principle which is to act now to be sure of preventing state failure rather than risk it happening.  </p> <p>Yemen is high on the Coalition Government’s agenda.  It is one of the countries of most interest to our new National Security Council, and it is one where we believe the solution must be driven by an integrated approach, with development and diplomacy at its heart.  </p> <p>What we are interested in doing is tackling the challenges of poverty, disease and education in Yemen; we are interested in helping achieve better governance; we are interested in regional and global stability; and we are interested in arresting the rise of terrorism.  </p> <p>In short we are interested in addressing poverty and instability so that Yemen can hold together and prosper. </p> <p><strong>Conflict and development in Yemen</strong></p> <p>Yemen is on the front pages again this week because of terrorism – but terrorism is not the only threat facing Yemen; Al Qaeda look to exploit instability where they can. Let’s for a moment just ask ourselves what a collapsed Yemen could look like.</p> <p>Yemen in collapse could lead to a litany of chaos: no water, no energy, no food, civil strife, Al Qaeda flourishing, increasing radicalisation, and a regional and international threat both to world energy supplies and to many nations’ security.  A country which is off-track in reaching the Millennium Development Goals could go further backwards all the faster.  That’s a frightening prospect, and a serious concern for the wider world. </p> <p>Yemen has all the ingredients for growing difficulty. There is injustice and grievance; a rapidly growing population is scrabbling over diminishing resources and fewer jobs; and there is easy access to weapons.  Declining oil revenues are beginning to hinder the wheels of power.  Yemen is a telling example of the complexity of today’s conflicts, where individual and community grievances - exclusion or unemployment - can interact with powerful regional and global drivers like rising food prices or the global narrative of international terrorism.  When put together it almost guarantees chaos. </p> <p>The warning signs are clear. Conflict is escalating and governance deteriorating.  Tribal clashes continue to become more lethal and difficult to manage, and local and regional issues are increasingly acting as ‘lightning-rods’ for broad-based public discontent.  Security and development are intertwined.</p> <p>There are two ways Yemen’s problems could be approached.  We can either address the underlying causes of poverty, grievance, joblessness and governance, or the international community could begin to start shouting and wave a big stick.  </p> <p>For us in the Coalition Government and DFID, we are going to put development at the heart of an integrated approach for Yemen. </p> <p><strong>Taking action</strong></p> <p>The Coalition Government intends to spend 30% of its development budget on fragile states.  Yemen is a prime candidate for such attention.  </p> <p>Our view is that development is not just there to try and pick up the pieces.  It is that development has a crucial role in stopping a country from falling to pieces in the first place.  We’ve done lots of work on post-conflict interventions but much less on pre-crisis intervention, so we are going to have to be bold and we are going to have to be innovative.</p> <p>We of course need to look at what you might think of as traditional development interventions – building schools and clinics, and all the things that Yemen’s Social Fund for Development does so well.  But we need to look further - to tackle the lack of jobs and the causes of child malnutrition; to support a process of National Dialogue that will lead to inclusive and fair elections next year; to get government working in a way that is more accountable and responsive to people’s needs.  In Yemen, we are smartening the UK’s Aid.</p> <p>Our aim is to give people security, a stake in society, access to basic services such as health and education, and a say in their future.  By adopting this approach, and working with civil society, with local government and with traditional tribal systems, we hope we will address local grievances. We will empower the Government to tackle its challenges and as a result would hope to see a stronger, more stable Yemen.</p> <p>Securing the future of Yemen is not just about what they do internally for themselves any more than it is only about what the UK does for them.  It is about what all Yemen’s friends do and, crucially, how we all act together.</p> <p>In the same way as the Government of Yemen tries to address trouble internally in a piecemeal fashion, so have its international partners tended to act separately and inconsistently.  The fragmented efforts of donors and neighbours have almost certainly been as much a hindrance to Yemen as a help.</p> <p>There have been attempts in the past to get together to help Yemen but, for instance, very little of the $5bn pledged to the country in 2006 has been taken up and directed into much-needed infrastructure projects, and most of the  funds received for other purposes have tended to be bilateral and unpredictable.</p> <p>This approach from the international community risks adding to the fragmentation of the government, and it weakens everyone’s development efforts because, above all, effective development – in its ability to plan and deliver programmes that make a real difference - requires consistent and reliable funding flows.</p> <p>So whatever we do, we must to do it together.  Better donor coordination is essential, but it remains a huge challenge. Fragmented donor flows have contributed to the fragmentation of Yemen itself. And to avoid the risk of state failure we must improve our own behaviour now.  As I said in New York at the recent Friends of Yemen meeting, we as Yemen’s Friends must co-ordinate and communicate, we must all be present on the ground in Sana’a, and we must look for ways to be flexible in how we provide our support – finding common delivery mechanisms.  </p> <p><strong>The Road to Riyadh</strong></p> <p>The thinking I have outlined has been valid for some time now, but its shelf-life as a viable option is in jeopardy.  Last month a British Embassy car was violently attacked and many of our team in Sana’a had to be withdrawn so we could assess their safety. This weekend has seen another seriously worrying development. The security situation jeopardises what we can do in and for Yemen – indeed it jeopardises our very presence there.  If the security situation drives out the help Yemen now needs, things risk becoming very bad indeed.  </p> <p>We should not, however, belittle some of the progress that has been made.  Within Yemen itself, we have seen the implementation of an IMF programme to build Yemen’s economy; an agreement to a ceasefire with Huthi rebels in the north; the launching of a process of National Dialogue; and the agreement by the Yemen Government to publish a prioritised national plan embracing such structures as the Yemen Fund for Development. The Friends of Yemen meeting in New York in September was widely regarded as a further successful step in the right direction.</p> <p>However, we don’t have long. The next Friends of Yemen meeting in Riyadh, is in February, only a few months away.</p> <p>The Riyadh meeting has the potential to be a major turning point – a meeting in the region, hosted by one of Yemen’s most significant neighbours, where tangible progress can be demonstrated.  More than any other meeting before it, the Friends of Yemen meeting in Riyadh is possibly both a golden opportunity and the last chance there will be to address Yemen’s problems before it is too late.</p> <p>The challenge for all of us is to make sure we step up to the mark – the Government of Yemen, NGOs, the UN, donors, Yemen’s neighbours and the rest of the international community – and work together to bring peace and stability to ordinary Yemenis.  </p> <p>We need to appreciate the potency of development as a force for good in underpinning this state.  We need to realise that for both moral and practical reasons it is important to focus on poverty and good governance. We need to combine internationally to approach Yemen in a unified and consistent manner.  We need, as Friends of Yemen, to speak frankly and act practically. We want effective development, we want improved donor co-ordination and we want a really successful outcome in Riyadh.  </p> <p>For me, the dire situation only increases my determination to keep involved.  But what comes next is key.  The next two months in the run-up to Riyadh are crucial.  And the rhetoric we’ve all been hearing must now become reality.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Yemen-speech-by-Alan-Duncan/ Alan Duncan Yemen: Political dynamics and the international policy framework 01 November 2010 Department for International Development Chatham House Yemen Forum Conference
<p class="date">18 November 2010</p> <h3>Speech by Andrew Mitchell, International Development Secretary, at a Climate and Development Knowledge Network event at British Council on 18 November 2010.</h3> <p>Good morning. In making this speech I am delighted to be sharing a platform with two such climate and development luminaries as Nick and Simon.   </p> <p>Nick is surely one of the UK’s best-known and most respected authorities on these issues and I am extremely grateful to him for making time in his busy day to be with us here today. </p> <p>And of course, I must also pay tribute to Simon who, in his imitable and ever-opportunistic manner has been encouraging me to give this speech almost since the day I became Secretary of State for International Development. We are lucky to have someone of your intellect – and enthusiasm - chairing the Climate Development Knowledge Network and I am grateful for all that you do to further our understanding of this subject. </p> <p>The more observant of you may have spotted that by dint of careful planning we find ourselves in the Prince of Wales Suite. His Royal Highness has supported the cause of forests and we should acknowledge his contribution today. And on the subject of our location, I must also thank the British Council for hosting this event – I know that climate change is high on their agenda.</p> <p>Ladies and Gentlemen, I want this morning to lay before you three arguments:</p> <ul> <li>First, that while climate change is undoubtedly a massive threat to poor countries it also presents real opportunities </li> <li>Second, that in climate change, the world has a real chance to take a new approach to solving global problems and seizing global opportunities </li> <li>Third, and most importantly, that we must get on with it. Whilst we work tirelessly towards a global deal we must not be paralysed into inaction on the ground.  Helping developing countries adapt to the impacts of climate change – and to grow in a low-carbon way - will not only save lives but will also build the very confidence that can make a deal a reality.</li> </ul> <h3>Consensus on the Case</h3> <p>I don’t intend this morning to dwell on the science behind climate change. Those arguments have already been well-made by the Royal Society and many others. </p> <p>Despite these arguments there will always be those who remain un-persuaded of the science. Not least, because this is an issue of probability and risk. But I don’t believe it’s the job of politicians or policy makers to second-guess scientists. As others before me have said, if 99 out of a 100 doctors tell you your child has measles, you don’t wait for the hundredth to change their mind before doing something about it.</p> <p>The private sector certainly isn’t waiting around. Decisions are being made every day on where to locate, on investments and on insurance premiums. These decisions are based on the business reality of climate change. HSBC, in launching its Climate Change Fund said that it saw climate change as one of the biggest investment themes for the foreseeable future. </p> <p>The sad truth, well-known to this audience, is that the poorest people in the poorest countries are already suffering from climate change – and are suffering the most. Tragically, they will suffer even more in the future. Left unchecked, climate change will cruelly impede our progress towards meeting the Millennium Development Goals – disproportionately so in the case of women - and will jeopardise our existing gains. </p> <p>Add to this, massive population shifts, severely depleted resources and the consequent tensions and grievances that can so easily lead to unrest – and the picture is not a bright one. At a time when this Coalition Government has proudly led the world in being the first G20 country to live up to its commitment to spend 0.7 per cent of GNI as aid from 2013, we are in danger of turning on the tap with one hand while removing the plug with the other. </p> <p>Yet, there is a solution. It is possible to tackle climate change while also addressing development. It’s just that it’s a different sort of development, one that marries good development outcomes with low-carbon, climate-resilient growth. </p> <h3>Climate change as an opportunity for developing countries</h3> <p>This brings me to my first argument. We should in no way underestimate the havoc and destruction that can come from climate change. But I think the time has come to recognise first that if we act now we can manage, or even avoid, the most severe impacts. And second that tackling climate change now is not only cheaper than dealing with its impacts, but actually opens up huge opportunities. </p> <p>Yes, the challenge is great. Current projections show that without action, the population will grow to 9 billion by 2050. To avoid catastrophic climate change we need to reduce average emissions to less than 2 tonnes per head. That’s less than a tenth of what some rich countries emit today. </p> <p>But there are things we can do now that will make a real difference and do not cost the earth. We could cut carbon emissions by 2020 by as much as a third simply by avoiding unnecessary deforestation. And more than 70 per cent of the energy-related emissions savings we need to make in the next ten years could come from using energy more efficiently – saving money in the process. Admittedly, achieving substantial cuts in other areas will be tougher, but the technologies exist to help us deal with it – provided we work together. </p> <p>Of course, we have to face facts. The carbon that is already in the atmosphere means that adaptation presents a far tougher challenge, bigger than any we’ve seen before. And there are some areas where no amount of action on our part will save us from the deepest impacts. The risk to small islands, for example, is immense. </p> <p>Waiting around to tackle climate change, however, will be both expensive and painful. On Nick’s figures, action today will cost us 2 per cent of global GDP a year. Now, no-one is suggesting that this isn’t a huge sum but contrast it with the 20% of GDP that our inaction could cost us in years to come.  And Nick has said that the Stern Review may even have under-estimated those costs.  We must summon the political will to act now rather than leaving our children and grandchildren to pick up the bill – a much bigger bill – later. </p> <p>The challenge we face in international development is this. Can countries continue to grow and prosper in a way which uses energy and resources in a different way? Can energy be used more sparingly? Can cleaner ways be found to generate it? Can agricultural techniques, building designs, social support systems, insurance packages - be developed to help the world’s poorest people cope with more extreme weather and natural disasters? Can governments develop the incentives that could unleash the transformative power of the private sector? </p> <p>This should be the most inspiring, exciting and overwhelming series of challenges to today’s generation of bright, young people. As well as to wise, experienced, older hands. We are at the threshold of nothing less than a new industrial, agricultural and technological revolution. </p> <p>We know from previous industrial revolutions, that investment flows to where the leadership is. Whichever country seizes the opportunity presented by low-carbon growth, will reap the economic reward. The same is no less true of companies and citizens. </p> <p>Our Coalition Government has been alive to this from day one. Our spending review was the greenest ever. We are positioning the UK to be a world leader in off-shore wind. And, together with Norway, the United States, Australia and China, we are investing in carbon capture and storage. On the global stage, the UK has led the way by committing to cut emissions by 80 per cent by 2050.   </p> <p>But crucially, there’s a massive opportunity here for developing countries too, an opportunity that will help them to pull in low-carbon investment, placing them firmly on the front foot. Some are already acting. Costa Rica has led the world in making forests worth more alive than dead. Brazil is now attempting to do this on a massive scale, using satellite technology to track progress. Ethiopia has pledged zero net carbon emissions by 2025. The Maldives aims to be carbon-neutral by the end of the decade.</p> <p>Then there’s the immense potential of natural resources – sun, wind, rivers, tides - that developing countries often possess in abundance. By exploiting these resources, they can sell carbon credits and develop exciting new technologies. Imagine North African countries exporting solar power to Europe. Or those with significant hydropower - from Nepal to Mozambique - exporting to neighbouring countries such as India and South Africa.</p> <p>Or take adaptation, where early action is not only cheaper but also opens up yet more opportunities. Let me give you a couple of examples. Vietnam saved over £4 million a year on maintaining its dykes simply by planting 12,000 hectares of mangrove forest. The cost? Less than a £1 million. Some developing countries are currently replanting their mangroves to protect themselves from tsunamis – and in so doing are supporting biodiversity and fish nurseries. In Bangladesh, poor farmers are using “scuba rice” which can survive underwater for up to two weeks. In Sub-Saharan Africa, some countries are developing new agricultural techniques, including drip irrigation and low-till planting, to save water and reduce emissions.</p> <p>Of course, just because opportunities exist, it doesn’t automatically follow that developing countries will be able to exploit them.  I will return to this theme later by suggesting ways in which richer countries can help them to do so. </p> <h3>Tackling climate change presents a chance to work in a new way globally</h3> <p>I come now to my second argument: that this vision of a new revolution will not – cannot - be achieved without global leadership and co-operation. Companies and citizens can only do so much on their own. Ultimately, they need a stronger, more long-term signal from their government. In turn, governments find it hard to show that vision, unless they see other governments making matching commitments. </p> <p>I won’t dwell here on the fact that we need an ambitious, fair and effective global deal. Or on what we expect from Cancun.  Chris Huhne, my colleague, spoke on this eloquently, only yesterday. </p> <p>I must however, take a moment to highlight those elements of that deal which will make it truly fair for developing countries. It is a blatant injustice that those who have contributed the least to climate change will be affected the most. </p> <p>A deal must be ambitious enough to keep the world’s temperature below a 2 degree rise, with effort fairly shared out. Those who are historically the highest emitters must do the most and the newly-high emitters the next most. <br>A deal should build trust by including commitments to be transparent. We need to be able to hold each other to account, not only for emissions reductions, but also for the finance we provide. The UK is leading the way on transparency and has promised to report openly on our Fast Start commitments. In common with other EU states we have already provided the latest information online.  The Government’s UK Aid Transparency Guarantee was a testament to our determination to be open and transparent about how we spend taxpayers’ money and we are abiding by that promise. </p> <p>A deal must include sufficient finance to support developing countries on a low-carbon and climate-resilient development path. Through the Copenhagen Accord, richer countries committed to securing 100 billion dollars a year from 2020, from public and private sources. Now the Advisory Group on Climate Finance has shown that this target, while challenging, is achievable.  Indeed, it suggests that developed countries could collectively mobilise some 50 billion dollars – or even more – from new public sources. It goes on to say that private finance could take us considerably beyond this sum. And let me make clear that I hope we can make progress at Cancun towards establishing the Green Fund that was called for in the Copenhagen Accord. </p> <p>Carbon markets are a key piece of the financing jigsaw and another area where leadership is needed. To create viable markets, we first need developed countries to sign up to ambitious emissions reductions targets. The UK is pushing for the higher cut in EU-wide emissions of 30 per cent by 2020. Tough targets will help set a carbon price that is sufficiently high and stable - the AGF talks about 20 to 25 US dollars per tonne -  to create incentives for innovators and investors to develop low-carbon solutions. But, ladies and gentlemen, we want carbon markets to be really effective. We need to reform the way the market works. In particular, this must include improving access for poorer, developing countries so that it is not just the more advanced countries that are able to benefit from carbon market finance. </p> <p>If we are to achieve a fair global deal, if we are to succeed in opening up the carbon markets, indeed, if we are to make any real progress on climate change – we have to accept that the old style of bargaining won’t work any more. The days of the zero-sum game must come to an end. It’s simply not good enough for countries to talk to each other only when the spotlight of the world’s press is on them. We need the quiet diplomacy as well, the diplomacy that builds relationships rather than tests them. And we need new relationships, with new partners as well as old friends. </p> <p>We also need a more even playing field. Michael Howard called for this some years ago in the context of trade negotiations. I think we should do the same for climate change. So today, I would like to announce our support for a Climate Advocacy Fund.  The Fund will provide access to legal, technical and logistical support to the poorest and most vulnerable countries – countries whose full participation is essential if we are to achieve an equitable deal. I hope this will provide valuable help to those countries that have previously suffered such an unfair disadvantage.  </p> <p>We will also strengthen our relationships with emerging economies. Under the Foreign Secretary’s leadership, Coalition Cabinet colleagues will develop a more strategic approach to these partnerships. Within DFID, I intend to set up a Partnership Secretariat that can build common cause with key emerging economies on global justice issues, including climate change. It’s worth remembering, that leadership needn’t come from the richest countries. China long ago recognised the potential of green growth and is now showing others the way.</p> <p>Then there’s the wide range of progressive and vulnerable countries from the Maldives to Mexico and Malaysia, from Bangladesh to Brazil and Burkina Faso. Yes, we may have to find new ways of working – we have no template - but we will find an approach that works. And in this new era, that approach will include networks of civil society, alliances working across borders, the private sector not just governments. And let me say here and now - we will use the tremendous network that is the Commonwealth. We all have a mutual interest in securing an ambitious, fair and effective deal.</p> <p>If we do all this, if we embrace new ways of working together in order to solve this most global of global problems – then we will be in a good place to tackle food security, water security or whatever other shared challenges may lie ahead.</p> <h3>Action on the ground</h3> <p>I come now to my third and final point. It’s essentially a very practical point about action on the ground. It is here that we need to roll up our sleeves in three key areas: adaptation, low-carbon development and forests. By building confidence in our ability to respond to these difficult issues, we will also help to lay the foundations for a deal on climate change. </p> <p>Making sure that development is climate-resilient and that developing countries are equipped to adapt to the inevitable consequences of climate change is central to everything we do. After all, adaptation is simply development in a harsher context. That’s why Chris Huhne and I believe that a substantial amount of climate finance should be spent on adaptation. There’s absolutely no reason why we can’t make progress on adaptation before a global deal is done.</p> <p>We’re already discovering what works and what doesn’t. In Malawi, we are helping farmers to withstand extreme climatic events by investing in drought-resistant crops. In Bangladesh we have made it possible for some 90,000 homes to be raised on earth platforms in order to protect half a million families and their livestock from seasonal Monsoon floods. We will need to strengthen our support for Disaster Risk Reduction, an approach which we know delivers results and value for money. </p> <p>Getting on with the job also means being prepared to learn and to take risks. That’s why it’s so important that we develop a strong evaluation framework to measure the success of our investment.</p> <p>On low-carbon development, we will give greater emphasis to partnering developing countries to help them attract private investment, a subject upon which I touched in my wealth creation speech at the London School of Economics last month. We will pioneer innovative approaches, working with the City, the multilateral development banks and with individual companies. But we should never ask developing countries to sacrifice short-term growth in the interests of making that growth green. Instead, we will support the investments that deliver green growth for those who need it. </p> <p>We want to stimulate investment in the renewable technologies that can be life-changers for the world’s poorest people. We have had some small-scale successes in the past. The Lighting Africa programme has helped six private companies and social entrepreneurs to develop solar-powered LED lighting products for the African market. These sell for as little as £15 each and could be sold even more cheaply if carbon finance were available. </p> <p>We want to build on examples like the Lighting Africa programme to promote the kind of creativity that public money is uniquely-placed to stimulate. As I speak, there are one and a half billion people across our world who lack any means of accessing energy. We can make it possible for them to get new forms of energy in new ways, freeing them from dependence on governments and on monopolies.  </p> <p>We will also explore how innovation prizes might be used to reward fresh thinking on inclusive technologies, working alongside the X-Prize Foundation and others with experience in this field. We will support Climate Innovation Centres in countries such as India and Kenya, so that local entrepreneurs can turn ideas and technologies into viable businesses.</p> <p>I want CDC, the UK-owned development finance corporation, to start investing more of its assets in innovative projects, taking risks and delivering real and sustainable benefits for the world’s poorest people. We are currently consulting on how this might be achieved and I don’t think it’s unreasonable to assume that climate-related initiatives could feature in its portfolio. I will also urge the Multilateral Development Banks to do even more to support a shift to climate-smart investment and lending. Alongside this I will expect the substantial resources we have provided through the Climate Investment Funds to deliver transformational change. These promise impressive results. </p> <p>We’re also working on two new public-private partnerships that will target low-carbon and adaptation investments in Asia and large-scale renewable energy in Africa. They will use public money to leverage private finance and direct it to where it is most needed, securing up to £9 of private investment for every £1 of public money spent. </p> <p>If successful, the Asian initiative could, over 25 years, create up to 5 gigawatts of new renewable energy, generating massive opportunities, including 60,000 jobs, and removing 150 millions tonnes of CO2. In Africa, we are exploring a cash-on-delivery mechanism with a view to delivering enough electricity for over 4 million rural households, avoiding emissions of up to 900,000 tonnes a year. We hope to launch these partnerships next year.</p> <p>Meanwhile, the Government’s Capital Markets Climate Initiative is bringing key players from the City of London together with financiers and policy-makers from across the world. And where better to site a global hub for green finance than in the Square Mile, a centre of global trade since Roman times? There are massive opportunities here for British businesses to show the entrepreneurial flair of which we are so justly proud.</p> <p>The Coalition Government is committed to ensuring that UK Trade and Investment and the Export Credits Guarantee Department become champions for British companies that develop and export innovative green technologies around the world, instead of supporting investment in dirty fossil-fuel energy production. </p> <p>Finally, I want to say something about forests. Time and again, I have been struck by how much potential there is here. In Nepal, British aid is helping more than half a million households to make a living from the local forests. In just five years, this has contributed to an increase in the average household income of some 60 per cent as well as helping  to save an estimated 1.2 million tonnes of carbon a year. </p> <p>As the Environment Secretary said when she helped to secure a deal at Nagoya, reducing deforestation can also increase biodiversity, protecting fragile habitats and endangered species. It is also a large and relatively low-cost part of the solution to climate change, representing 17 per cent of emissions but, at around four dollars per tonne, the low-hanging fruit in terms of the difference we can make. </p> <p>We want to agree urgent on-the-ground action here too. 1.2 billion people depend on forests for their livelihoods. We already have a good model emerging, in the REDD+ Partnership which is currently being pioneered in Brazil and in some other Rainforest Nations. Through REDD+ – REDD stands for Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degredation – you can see why we use the acronym – through REDD+ we help countries to lay the foundation for a system that rewards forest-managers for keeping trees standing. </p> <p>The action we want to agree might focus on helping developing countries to reach agreement on land rights or to improve controls over illegal logging. Or it might be about the development of crucial monitoring systems. Once these blocks are in place, public funding can leverage the private finance that enables countries to offer a set price for every tonne of avoided deforestation. At the same time, we are therefore helping to facilitate the longer-term entry of forests into the carbon market. </p> <p>Last but not least, the Coalition Government has an important job ahead of it, in giving force to the new EU Legislation – which came into being very recently – and which seeks to prevent the import of illegally-logged timber. By working with the private sector and with those governments that play by the rules – in other words those paying taxes on legal timber – we’ll be able to weed out those employing dodgy and damaging practices. It also means that we can help cash-starved developing country exchequers to collect the taxes that are due to them. Over the last ten years alone, our efforts have brought in some 6.5 billion US dollars.  We will ensure that the UK is in the vanguard of this effort. We will press others to follow our lead and we will explore how we can extend this approach to palm oil and agricultural techniques. </p> <h3>Looking Ahead</h3> <p>Viewed from the perspective of poor countries, the distinction between adaptation and low carbon development interventions is ultimately meaningless. As we look ahead, our role – in partnership with developing countries - must be to find a solution that tackles the challenge of climate change, while meeting development goals and facilitating long-term growth. CDKN calls this climate-compatible development. We saw this inter-relationship neatly captured in the Nepal example where one really good plan managed to cut emissions, give people a living and promote long-term economic growth. </p> <p>We need more of these solutions, solutions that work today but that will last beyond tomorrow. It’s not beyond our wit to do this and I firmly believe that the UK, with its very public commitment to development and climate change, is well-placed to lead the way. </p> <p> To achieve those solutions we will need to demonstrate strong leadership at a global level while also taking a climate-smart approach to development.   </p> <p> We have already shown the strongest of leadership on finance. The Coalition’s commitment, even in the face of great financial hardship, to spend 0.7% of national income as ODA from 2013, has enabled us to create an unprecedented £2.9 billion International Climate Fund that will not only meet our Fast Start pledge but will enable us to ramp up our funding up to 2015. </p> <p>This position gives us the credibility to: press other donors to meet their own 0.7% commitments; to press them to make more resources available for tackling climate change; to press the multilateral development banks to continue increasing and strengthening their climate lending; and to press for that vital agreement on new and innovative sources of finance, as set out by the Advisory Group on Climate Finance. Our focus will, above all else, be on results.  </p> <p>We will also provide leadership through the sharing of expertise. The UK has a vast reservoir of knowledge and skills and we will continue to make this available where it is wanted. We will invest more in building that knowledge so that we can have a better understanding of how countries can adapt to the consequences of climate change, scale-up their access to clean energy and protect forests and water-resources. CDKN will play a key role here, and on this point, let me say how pleased I was to learn that the Dutch government has now joined the UK in funding the CDKN. </p> <p>Finally, we must show leadership in terms of the UK’s own low-carbon and climate-resilient development. I outlined earlier some of the ways in which the Coalition Government might do this and indeed, Chris Huhne spoke on this very theme yesterday. </p> <p>In doing this, we will not forget about the day-job, where we can be leaders on the ground. We will build up our own experience of which interventions work best and where, and we will apply our increased aid budget in a way that is consistently climate-smart. So that when we lay a road, when we build a school, when we plan a programme – we will take climate change into consideration. That is why in DFID’s new business plan, I have asked every country office to carry out a strategic review of its entire portfolio so that climate change is taken into account in everything it does. And I want to see all the multilateral agencies that DFID supports making sure that their operations are climate-smart too. We will use the UK’s leverage on their boards to achieve this. </p> <h3>Conclusion</h3> <p>Ladies and Gentlemen, if we fail to act today then we will pay the price tomorrow not just in pounds and dollars but in human life. As in so many other areas of international development, the moral case is a clear, overwhelming and compelling one. But – and again this theme runs through so much of our work – action is very much in Britain’s interests too. We cannot have food-security, water-security, energy-security – or any form of national security without climate security. </p> <p>It’s for these powerful reasons that this government must, and will, play a progressive role in pursuing the global deal we so badly need. History has shown us that whenever there’s an industrial revolution, it is always those who are prepared to embrace change who win through. It’s time that all of us – governments, civil society, private sector and individuals put our shoulders to the wheel and got on with the job. Only then can we secure a future for this planet and a better, safer and more prosperous life for all who live on it. </p> <p>Thank you.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Climate-change/ Andrew Mitchell Climate change 18 November 2010 Department for International Development British Council
<p class="date">22 November 2010</p> <h3>The Secretary of State for International Development, Andrew Mitchell: </h3> <p>I wish to update the House on my visit to Sudan between 8-11 November 2010. During my visit to Khartoum, El-Fasher and Juba, I met with: Vice President, Ali Osman Taha; President of the Government of Southern Sudan, Salva Kiir; Presidential Adviser on Darfur, Ghazi Salah Al-Din Al-Atabani; other Government Ministers; a range of Sudan’s political leaders; the Chairman of the Southern Sudan Referendum Commission (SSRC) Professor Ibrahim Khalil; and members of civil society. I also met with: visiting UN Under-Secretary Generals, Baroness Amos and Alain Le Roy; UN Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) Special Representative Haile Menkerios; UN / African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) Joint Special Representative Ibrahim Gambari; members of the UN Country Team; humanitarian actors; and NGOs. In Juba, I opened the new HMG Office, which will house staff from DFID, the FCO, the Stabilisation Unit and the Ministry of Defence.</p> <p>In North and South Sudan, I stressed the importance of the referendum being credible, peaceful and on time. I delivered messages on the importance of both parties agreeing the outstanding Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) issues such as Abyei, citizenship and the border. The UK is actively supporting the referendum, including through financial support to the UN Development Programme Basket Fund for the referendum process which will provide voter education, civic education, pratical assistance and technical support. We are also providing technical assistance to the talks on border demarcation and security arrangements.</p> <p>I made clear to the Governments in the North and South that the UK is committed to the longer-term future of both North and South Sudan whatever the outcome of the referendum. Through successful completion and implementation of the CPA and progress towards peace and justice in Darfur, the North has an opportunity to change its political relationships with the international community. The Government of Southern Sudan must set out a vision for the future with which its citizens can engage, including making appropriate investments to support diversification of the economy into non-oil activity. The UK has a substantial development programme in South Sudan, an area where thousands of adults are illiterate and women and children are more likely to die in childbirth than complete primary education. Amongst other benefits, this programme has already provided basic services for over 1.8 million people so far. We remain committed to supporting the long-term future of Southern Sudan, and working with the Government to help improve the lives of those who live there.</p> <p>I found the situation in Darfur much changed since the Prime Minister and I visited in 2006, but in discussions with Government Ministers and Advisers, I underlined my concern about the security situation in parts of the three states. I called for the immediate and unconditional release of the four European nationals currently being held hostage (1 Hungarian UNAMID peacekeeper and 3 Latvian World Food Programme pilots), and stressed the need for the full and unhindered access for humanitarian workers and Peacekeepers. I urged all sides to refrain from military escalation in Darfur, and to engage constructively with the AU/UN Mediation to work towards an inclusive and sustainable peace agreement for Darfur. I reiterated the UK’s support for the International Criminal Court and urged the Government of Sudan to engage with the Court.</p> <p>I underlined to senior UN representatives that the international community could not be caught short in its preparedness to respond to a referendum-related humanitarian crisis in Sudan. I stressed the need for the UN and its agencies to have comprehensive contingency plans in place to address any potential future challenges. </p> <p>The UK is determined to help improve the lives of the Sudanese people. But only if peace is kept and conflict avoided, will development succeed and those lives truly be improved. </p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Ministerial-statement-on-Sudan/ Andrew Mitchell Ministerial statement on Sudan 22 November 2010 Department for International Development unknown
<p class="date">02 December 2010</p> <h3>Speech by International Development Minister Stephen O'Brien at APPG on HIV &amp; AIDS/ Stop AIDS (RED) on World AIDS Day </h3> <p>Thank you. First of all I would like to thank the All Party Parliamentary Group on AIDS and RED for inviting me to make some short remarks and for organising such a fantastic event to mark World AIDS Day 2010. Today we pay tribute to the millions of people who have lost their lives to AIDS, to those living with HIV and to people from all levels of society, who have fought relentlessly for action against the epidemic.  </p> <p>Let me say at the outset that the Coalition Government remains 100% committed to this fight. Yes, we have new priorities as well – such as malaria. But that in no way diminishes our commitment to this agenda.</p> <p>The <strong>APPG</strong> likewise plays an important role in the UK's response to the epidemic by bringing together members of parliament across the political spectrum and working with our strong civil society network to sustain UK taxpayers' support for tackling AIDS. They hold us to account for what we promise to deliver. I would also like to commend <strong>RED's</strong> efforts to raise funds through private-sector partnerships to address AIDS in Africa. The UK believes that the private sector has a vital role in a sustained response. </p> <p>I would like to say a few words on two issues – first about how the UK government will contribute to end mother to child transmission and secondly how we intend to move forward in response to the epidemic over the months and years ahead. But let me first reflect on the progress we've made in the response so far.</p> <p><strong>We have seen enormous progress</strong> - over 5 million people on treatment (13 times more the number of people that had access in 2004!); an epidemic that has stabilised in most regions; a 19% reduction in the number of new infections since 1999.  And there’s more good news in the Global Report that UNAIDS published last week.  In 33 countries HIV prevalence has fallen by more than 25% between 2001 and 2009 – many of these countries are in sub-Saharan Africa.  And HIV prevalence has also fallen by more than 25% among young people in 15 of the most affected countries as young people have adopted safer sexual practices – showing prevention messages are getting through and saving lives.</p> <p>But there is bad news too. More than 7,000 people get infected with HIV every day and an estimated 10 million are in need of treatment, but not getting it. And UNAIDS report that in five countries of Eastern Europe and Central Asia, where the epidemic is driven amongst marginalized groups, HIV prevalence has risen by 25% since 2001. We now see two epidemics – that in sub-Saharan Africa, with a female face, and that elsewhere, where we increasingly need to reach men who have sex with men, sex workers, prisoners and drug users. That is why we must continue to defend the rights of marginalised groups to protect themselves from HIV for example through supporting harm reduction programmes that ensure drug users get access to clean needles. The APPG has a proud record in this area. The UK Government, too, will continue to be an advocate for these groups.  </p> <p>But let me turn to the matter that concerns us today – <strong>an estimated 370,000 children contracted HIV through mother to child transmission in 2009</strong>.  This is a significant reduction from 500,000 in 2001 – but this level of entirely avoidable infection is still unacceptable. These numbers tell us that there is still much to do to eliminate paediatric AIDS. </p> <p>As you know, the UK Government have committed to allocating 0.7 of our Gross National Income for overseas AID by 2013 and have ring-fenced our budget.  This is a historical commitment. We have also put <strong>women and children's health</strong> <strong>at the heart</strong> of our international development agenda and we expect that our Commitments made on women and children's health will contribute to the survival of at least 50,000 more women in pregnancy and childbirth and 250,000 newborn babies and to provide <strong>10 million more couples with access to comprehensive family planning</strong>.</p> <p>The UK Government wholeheartedly supports the call for the virtual elimination of paediatric AIDS and we are working with others to scale up prevention of mother to child transmission services. To reach this goal, we need to<strong> adopt the comprehensive approach</strong> recommended by the World Health Organization, and we are committed to doing so by focusing where we have comparative advantage. This is on <strong>primary prevention of HIV among women of child-bearing age</strong>, and on <strong>prevention of unintended pregnancies among women living with HIV</strong> through our investments in family planning.</p> <p>Prevention of mother-to-child transmission of HIV is not just about provision of anti-retrovirals. <strong>Making choices through family planning</strong> is a key element of the package- but many women do not have access to modern methods of contraception and cannot choose whether and when and how many children to have,  let alone choose to do this safely. And we know that the <strong>unmet need for family planning among HIV positive women is higher than among HIV negative women</strong> (as high as 51 to 90%). Most paediatric infections occur in Sub-Saharan Africa, which accounts for more than 91% of all pregnant women living with HIV. We expect to make a significant contribution to the goal of eliminating paediatric AIDS  in Africa  through our investments in family planning and commitment to double the numbers of mothers and babies lives saved. </p> <p>There are real challenges here. How do we change behaviour? We know this is not easy – but I'd suggest it's largely through giving people – particularly young women like Esnart who will shortly be telling you her story – the right information and supporting them to make real choices about their health and their lives by addressing factors that influence behaviour. We know that programmes that do this do work but we also need to make prevention programmes more effective, particularly in generalised epidemics. To do this, we need to strengthen the evidence by rigorously evaluating what we do.</p> <p>The UK government is strongly committed to <strong>empowering women and girls</strong>, by focusing on their sexual and reproductive health and rights, and addressing the underlying drivers of the AIDS epidemic such as gender inequality, gender based violence and poverty. The latest UNAIDS report tells us that young <strong>women aged 15-24 in Sub-Saharan Africa are as much as 8 times more likely than men to be HIV positive</strong>. This is alarming, and clearly, we must do better to protect women and girls. This is why we will test and support innovative approaches such as cash transfers to reduce women and girls' HIV risk – as well as getting more girls into school, something this Government is determined to support.</p> <p>We will use the <strong>Reproductive, Maternal and Newborn Health Framework for Action (which we will publish later this month)</strong> as the Coalition Government's key mechanism to prioritise the health of women and children. The Framework will support service delivery across the continuum of care needed to improve the health of women and children, including Prevention of Mother to Child Transmission. And we will continue to support the implementation of the UN Secretary General Global Strategy for Women’s and Children's Health which is based on delivering a comprehensive, integrated package of essential interventions and services. </p> <p>Of course – we can't do this in isolation. I'm proud of the UK's success in working through coalitions and alliances – of punching above our weight by persuading others of the case for action. That is something I'm keen to build on.</p> <p>So I want to close by renewing a commitment. This World AIDS Day marks the close of 2010 - the target the world set for universal access to HIV prevention, AIDS treatment, care and support. In June at Muskoka, the G8 reaffirmed its commitment to come as close as possible to this goal. Progress against these targets will be reviewed at a UN General Assembly special session in June next year. The Coalition Government will play its part in taking this forward. We have not given up.</p> <p>As many in this room will know, we have been clear that the detail of our future plans depends on the outcome of the Multilateral and Bilateral Aid Reviews – which the SoS commissioned to ensure that every pound of UK aid buys 100 pence of value.</p> <p>We will set out the UK Government's position on HIV in the spring, in the light of the findings of these reviews. As part of this we will need to articulate where the UK can add most value to the global response to HIV. This will inform our position at the UN special session in June. Input from the APPG, and other stakeholders, will be key to getting this right and I am asking my officials to work with you, as we develop and confirm our thinking over the coming months.</p> <p>Thank you all for your continued support.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/World-AIDS-Day/ Stephen O'Brien World AIDS Day 02 December 2010 Department for International Development APPG
<p class="date">14 December 2010</p> <h3>Speech by PUSS Stephen O’Brien to launch DFID/FCO “How to Note on Electoral Assistance”</h3> <p>Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, </p> <p>I am very glad to be here to launch this joint DFID and Foreign Office ‘How to’ Note on Electoral Assistance.</p> <h3>Democratic Politics and Development<br> </h3> <p>Democratic politics play a vital role in the fight against poverty. It is politics that determine how a society makes choices, how competing interests are mediated and how resources are allocated. That is why the UK puts support to inclusive, democratic politics at the very heart of our development efforts. <br> <br>Part of the definition of being poor is to have no power – <br>no power to shape your own life; <br>no power to make sure government policy meets your needs; <br>no power to hold your leaders to account for what they do. </p> <p>Moreover, people want democracy. In a recent poll, for instance, four out of five Nigerians chose democracy over military government or religious system as the best form of government for their country.</p> <p>But democratic politics help deliver other development objectives too. <br>The economist Paul Collier has found evidence that regular, free and fair elections lead to better policy and governance. Morten Halperin, in his book the ‘Democracy Advantage’, sets out convincing evidence that citizens of democracies live longer, healthier, and more productive lives than those in autocracies. And Amartya Sen has shown that democracies also tend to have more macroeconomic and political stability and are better able to respond to devastating disasters, such as famines. </p> <p>Inclusive politics are also vital in post-conflict situations. Lasting peace and stable states cannot be built if the problems of political exclusion and the legitimacy of governments are not considered.  </p> <p>The parties to a political settlement need to be the right parties. That’s why, after the conflict in Nepal, we put so much effort into broadening the social compact by ensuring that excluded groups had a voice at the table during the peace process and that the percentage of female members of parliament rose from six to thirty-three. </p> <p>In Sierra Leone we see another example of the vital role that elections can play after conflict. Although the conflict lines still exist, the 2007 elections allowed a peaceful change in the governing party without rending the fabric of society.  </p> <p>For all these reasons, the UK government is committed to strengthening its work to empower citizens to hold their governments to account through democratic elections. </p> <h3>Governance and development</h3> <p><br>Support for democratic politics is just one part of our efforts to strengthen governance in our partner countries. </p> <p>As the Prime Minister said his speech on ‘One World Conservatism’ in July, “Countries are pulled out of poverty by a golden thread that starts with the absence of war and the presence of good governance, property rights and the rule of law, effective public services and strong civil institutions, free and fair trade, and open markets.” </p> <p>Or as Kofi Annan’s Africa Progress Panel said this year: “Good governance and accountability will determine Africa’s future. The quality of governance is a key determinant in political and social stability, equitable economic growth, and poverty reduction.” </p> <p>Governance is a complicated concept which is used to mean many things. Let me set out what I mean by governance. First, I mean the critical institutions which help people hold their governments to account and which strengthen the legitimacy of the state in the eyes of the people – the parliament and the judiciary, auditors and ombudsmen. Second, I mean the institutions that enable a state to deliver for its people – to provide a stable and predictable environment for the private sector, to deliver health and education whether directly or through non-governmental providers, to provide policing and security for everybody.  Third, I mean the underlying structures and relationships which govern the way citizens interact with the state and with each other and which are so critical to the opportunities they have to lift themselves out of poverty. </p> <p>Without the development of these governance institutions and underlying structures, we will not see significant wealth creation and we will not see sustainable progress towards the Millennium Development Goals.</p> <h3>The Elections ‘How to’ Note</h3> <p><br>Now let me return to elections in particular. The ‘How to’ Note we are launching today sets out how the UK will support elections in our partner countries drawing on lessons of experience. I commend it to you. Let me just pick out a few of the key principles that will guide us. </p> <p>First, understanding of the context – historical, social and political. The UK will never impose any particular model of democratic governance on another country. All we can do is support processes that are already at work within a country. We will seek to work with the grain, helping others to nudge forward change. We need to be pragmatic. In countries where the economy is growing fast without full democracy it makes sense to build on this progress while working to strengthen accountability. Economic development can help democracies to emerge and be sustained.</p> <p>Second, we will take an electoral cycle approach, providing long-term support to democratic processes not just for short-term election events. And, as Jeremy Browne has stressed, we will work with a broad range of partners – parliaments, political parties and civil society groups, as well as electoral management bodies. We also recognize that democratic practice takes a long time to develop. In the UK it’s taken us some 800 years to get where we are today - and we are still learning – about coalition government for example! </p> <p>Third, we will take what Andrew Mitchell, the Secretary of State, has described as an “integrated approach”. We will work across government to make the best use of our development and diplomatic resources. That is why DFID and the Foreign Office produced this ‘How to’ Note jointly and that is why Jeremy and I are up here together. But the integrated approach is also about working in broader partnerships: with governmental and non-governmental actors, with other development agencies, and with important bodies such as the African Union.<br> <br>Fourth, we will put greater emphasis on identifying the potential risks around elections and working to mitigate them. The Kenyan Finance Minister estimated that the violence around the 2007 elections cost his country’s economy about one billion dollars. And the direct human cost was also huge with over 1,000 deaths and more than 300,000 people displaced from their homes. So, for example, in Nigeria we are working with national and regional authorities to identify potential hotspots of violence in the vital upcoming elections. </p> <p>And fifth, the Note emphasises a theme that now runs through all of our development efforts – demonstrating value for money. Let us not pretend that this is straightforward – building a democracy is not the same as building a road. But we owe it to the British taxpayer to improve the way we demonstrate the efficiency and the effectiveness of our support to elections. </p> <p>We are making progress already<br>Let me assure you that we are already making progress. Over the past four years, DFID has provided support to elections in 25 countries with a combined electorate of over 600 million.  And we have seen the benefits: in increased voter registration and election turnouts; greater acceptance of results; and a trend towards wider public support for democracy. For example, in the ten years since the first round of Afrobarometer surveys in 1999, the level of engagement in political discussions has increased 11%, the number of citizens who know who is their MP has increased 21%, and the number of people attending community meetings has increased by 17%.</p> <p>Let me give you some examples of the different types of support that the UK has provided, support that has made a real difference to the lives of some of the world’s poorest people. </p> <p>In some cases, we provide support for democratic processes themselves. In Bangladesh, for example, DFID was part of a major international community effort to support the 2008 elections. DFID support focused on improving voter registration and we directly helped around 14 million people to get the chance to vote. Voter turnout was around 85% in a free, fair and credible process.</p> <p>In many countries we also provide support for democratic institutions. In Uganda we are pioneering a Deepening Democracy Programme which is an example of the electoral cycle approach in action. Working with other donors, we provide support to: <br>• the Electoral Commission, to improve competence and greater independence; <br>• parliament, to strengthen it as an institution, enabling it to hold the executive properly to account; <br>• political parties, to build capacity and improve internal democracy; <br>• and the media, encouraging balanced and fair reporting.</p> <p>Finally, we are increasingly helping citizens to engage in public life. Take Ghana, for example. Here, we funded a project in advance of the 2008 elections to raise the profile of gender issues with political parties. A televised meeting of party leaders discussing their gender policies galvanised widespread media coverage and public interest. Several hundred women leaders were trained to campaign on gender issues. This project supported a movement which led to some impressive results. For the first time a women was elected Speaker of the national parliament. Of 32 ministerial portfolios, 8 are now headed by women. And crucially, the benefits are already evident with a stronger government focus on maternal mortality and girls.</p> <h3>Going forward</h3> <p><br>Guided by this Electoral Assistance ‘How to’ Note we will strengthen our efforts to improve democratic governance in our partner countries. We want our practice to continue to evolve. We have posted this Note on our external websites and we would welcome your comments and suggestions. We are also working with other donors in the OECD to try to improve the impact of the overall international efforts to support elections and democracy. </p> <p>Before closing, let me echo Jeremy’s thanks to you all for being here today and to ERIS for sponsoring the launch of the How to Note. This agenda lies right at the heart of the coalition’s commitment to help citizens in the developing world take control of their own lives. </p> <p>I am honoured to be part of this effort to which DFID, the Foreign Office and many of you in this room are dedicated. This is a difficult, complicated agenda but the rewards of success will be great - a better life for millions of people and a safer, more prosperous world for Britain. </p> <p> </p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/How-to-Note-on-Electoral-Assistance/ Stephen O’Brien How to Note on Electoral Assistance 14 December 2010 Department for International Development launch DFID/FCO “How to Note
<p class="date">15 December 2010</p> <h3>The Secretary of State for International Development (Mr. Andrew Mitchell):</h3> <p>I would like to update the House on the Pakistan floods and the UK Government’s response to the ongoing emergency relief and early recovery needs of the critically affected population. </p> <p>Four months after the onset of the floods, the situation remains deeply challenging.  The majority of the 14 million people who were displaced by the floods have returned to their areas of origin, apart from in Sindh Province.   But with homes, farms and villages badly damaged, they will need humanitarian relief for months to come and help to restore livelihoods and basic services, particularly education and health, in the affected areas.</p> <p>The situation in Sindh remains critical.  Up to 350,000 families remain displaced by protracted flooding on the right bank of the Indus in northern Sindh.  These people are hard to reach and will need humanitarian relief well into next year – especially shelter, with winter setting in across Pakistan.</p> <p>In this context, I am pleased to inform the House of further UK Government support for relief and recovery efforts since I last updated the House on 12 October. These include:</p> <ul> <li>Providing safe drinking water, sanitation services, basic healthcare, basic household items and shelter to some 305,000 people in Sindh and Punjab through Handicap International, Oxfam, and CARE for a total cost of £5.5 million.</li> <li>Providing emergency shelter for 180,000 people in the worst affected areas of Sindh, through a £1.7 million grant to Concern. </li> <li>Assisting 25,000 people in Sindh to build permanent homes to replace those destroyed in the floods, through a £1.8 million grant to UNHABITAT.</li> <li>Supporting a disease early warning system and provision of essential health services to over 500,000 people in the areas worst affected by the floods for the next six months, through a contribution of £2 million to the World Health Organisation’s most recent appeal.</li> <li>Helping 200,000 children to resume education, through programmes costing £10 million involving Save the Children, Plan International and Hands.  This will involve rehabilitation of damaged schools and provision of temporary facilities where schools have been destroyed while longer term reconstruction is implemented.</li> <li>Supporting agricultural livelihoods and the wider rural economy that will benefit approximately one million people.  The programme will provide work opportunities, cash grants, materials, tools, seeds, skills training and technical expertise over the next nine months, through the Consortium of British Humanitarian Agencies at a total cost of £20 million.</li> <li>Helping over 28,000 families to acquire and look after domestic animals such as poultry, goats, and donkeys to improve nutrition and support their incomes. <br>All of these interventions have been appraised in detail by my Department to ensure value for money and a focus on results.  </li> </ul> <p>The overall DFID humanitarian programme for the flood affected areas is proceeding well. I can report that, as of 1 December, UKAid has achieved the following; approximately:</p> <ul> <li>971,390 people have been provided with drinking water </li> <li>254,480 people have had access to latrines and/or washing areas </li> <li>867,900 people have received hygiene kits or hygiene education </li> <li>453,860 people have had access to basic healthcare </li> <li>712,590 women and children have received supplementary or therapeutic feeding for malnutrition </li> <li>540,560 people have received emergency goods packages typically including blankets, cooking equipment, jerry-cans, and plastic sheeting. </li> <li>504,450 people have received emergency shelter; and </li> <li>71,925 people have benefited from seeds and fertilisers </li> </ul> <p>These results are provisional estimates from ongoing operations where the eventual total number of beneficiaries will be significantly higher.  </p> <p>As a result of UK and other interventions, the risk of disease has been contained so far. But there is no room for complacency. Millions of people will remain highly vulnerable and dependent on external assistance until homes, basic services, economic infrastructure and livelihoods are re-established. My Department plans to maintain a dedicated Flood Response team on the ground in Pakistan for the next six to nine months, actively monitoring the situation and our programme of humanitarian relief and recovery.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2010/Written-Ministerial-Statement-on-Pakistan-Floods-Dec-2010/ Andrew Mitchell Written Ministerial Statement on Pakistan Floods 15 December 2010 Department for International Development unknown
<p class="date">17 September 2011</p> <p>Andrew Mitchell, UK Secretary of State for International Development, said:</p> <blockquote> <p>"The flooding in Sindh, southern Pakistan, is of grave concern. We helped millions of people affected by last year's floods in Pakistan, from providing emergency shelter to rebuilding houses and bridges. We anticipated further floods this year, and so pre-positioned tents and emergency items in locations across Pakistan, which tens of thousands of people are now benefitting from.</p> <p>"UK support for people affected by the floods will continue not only over the coming weeks, but into 2012. This reflects the deep friendship and longstanding bond between the UK and Pakistan - our countries are closely tied through family, business, history and culture, and we will always stand-by and support each other."</p> </blockquote> <p>Support the UK has provided is already helping people affected by the recent floods in southern Pakistan.</p> <p>The UK anticipated possible further flooding in Pakistan this year and pre-positioned 5,000 family tents, 10,000 tarpaulin sheets, 35,000 thermal blankets, and tens of thousands of hygiene kits, water bottles, and other emergency items in 12 locations across Pakistan via the International Federation of the Red Cross (IFRC). The UK also funded disaster preparedness training for rural communities.</p> <p>In addition, the UK has helped provide emergency shelter to 37,440 families, 2000 solar lamps, and 1,000 sleeping mats via the International Organisation of Migration (IOM), and is supporting the World Health Organisation’s (WHO) Disease Early Warning system in Sindh until February 2012, to try to avoid major outbreaks of health epidemics.</p> <p>The Government of Pakistan and the United Nations have this week conducted an urgent needs assessment, identifying where and how people affected by the floods need emergency help.</p> <p>The UK is committed to being better prepared to deal with future disasters, and build up the resilience of local communities. This is in line with the Humanitarian Emergency Response Review, published by Lord Ashdown earlier this year.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Update-on-the-Pakistan-floods-2011/ Andrew Mitchell Andrew Mitchell: Update on the Pakistan floods 2011 17 September 2011 Department for International Development unknown
<p class="date">16 September 2011</p> <p><strong>Watch the full cross-government debate in the House of Commons from 15 September 2011, plus highlights of Andrew Mitchell's speech below</strong></p> <p> </p> <p><embed src="http://news.bbc.co.uk/player/emp/external/player.swf" width="467" height="380" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowfullscreen="true" allowscriptaccess="always" flashvars="&amp;config_settings_language=default&amp;playlist=http://news.bbc.co.uk/media/emp/9590000/9590000/9590043.xml&amp;config_plugin_fmtjLiveStats_pageType=eav1&amp;legacyPlayerRevision=293203&amp;domId=emp_9590043&amp;embedReferer=http://www.google.co.uk/url?sa=t&amp;source=web&amp;cd=2&amp;ved=0CCIQFjAB&amp;url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.bbc.co.uk%2Fdemocracylive%2Fhi%2Fhouse_of_commons%2Fnewsid_9590000%2F9590043.stm&amp;rct=j&amp;q=http%3A%2F%2Fnews.bbc.co.uk%2Fdemocracylive%20food%20security%20famine%20africa&amp;ei=kR9zTu6PJYaw8gOnjO3uDQ&amp;usg=AFQjCNGYDHpzjrKOfARCht0fUuwdbfTomA&amp;sig2=DJG2c4CNI-BscG2FX4Lc9g&amp;cad=rja&amp;autoPlay=true&amp;config_settings_skin=silver&amp;widgetRevision=323797&amp;config=http://news.bbc.co.uk/player/emp/1_1_3_0_0_440234_441894_1/config/default.xml&amp;config_settings_showPopoutButton=false&amp;embedPageUrl=http://news.bbc.co.uk/democracylive/hi/house_of_commons/newsid_9590000/9590043.stm&amp;uxHighlightColour=0xff0000&amp;config_settings_autoPlay=true&amp;config_settings_showShareButton=true&amp;fmtjDocURI=/democracylive/hi/house_of_commons/newsid_9590000/9590043.stm&amp;config_settings_suppressItemKind=advert, ident&amp;holding=http://news.bbcimg.co.uk/media/images/55393000/jpg/_55393547_-5.jpg&amp;config_settings_showUpdatedInFooter=true&amp;config_plugin_fmtjLiveStats_edition=Domestic&amp;config_plugin_fmtjLiveStats_pageType=eav6&amp;config_settings_showPopoutButton=false&amp;config_settings_showPopoutCta=false&amp;config_settings_addReferrerToPlaylistRequest=true&amp;config_settings_showFooter=true&amp;config_settings_autoPlay=false"></embed></p> <p> </p> <h3>Secretary of State for International Development, Andrew Mitchell:</h3> <p>I want to start by acknowledging the generosity of the British public through the Disasters Emergency Committee appeal.</p> <p>Throughout the country, people have supported that, and nearly £60 million has been raised. That, together with the efforts of the British Government and other governments around the world, seeks to address the crisis in the Horn of Africa and to stop a disaster becoming a catastrophe.</p> <p>The House will be aware of what is happening in the Horn of Africa. The rains have failed. Enormous numbers of people are moving first from the centre of Somalia down to Mogadishu and then from Somalia out across the borders into Kenya and Ethiopia. The Dolo Ado camps in Ethiopia now contain 120,000 Somalis, 80,000 of whom have arrived there in the last few weeks.</p> <p>In Mogadishu, which I visited just three weeks ago, camps have sprung up all over that city. The World Food Programme is today feeding some 327,000 refugees there, in particular in therapeutic feeding.</p> <p>In Dadaab, which I visited earlier in the summer, huge numbers of people have come across the border into Kenya. I saw a sight that one rarely sees in Africa – large numbers of mothers and their children waiting in the early morning in complete silence.</p> <p>I was able to talk to some of them; they told awful stories about being attacked and beaten as they came with their children out of Somalia. Many had lost children on that march, and their feet were cut to pieces by that long march. I pay tribute to the Kenyan Government who are housing 430,000 people in Dadaab, the largest refugee camp in the world, which was built originally for 90,000.</p> <p>I also visited Wajir, where I was able to see the brilliant work that has been done by British non-governmental organisations – in particular Save the Children, but many others – in trying to cope with the crisis.</p> <p>The people in those camps are in many ways the lucky ones. Inside Somalia we are probably reaching about 1.2 million of the 3 million people who are in serious jeopardy at this time. Those who have followed these things will have seen that the global acute malnutrition and the serious acute malnutrition rates in Somalia are horrific. We have not seen such rates since the 1992 famine.</p> <p>It is not often starvation that kills people who are caught up in famines, for the reasons that she eloquently set out; it is disease. When the rains come, the immune systems of large numbers of people, already shredded by hunger, will not be able to withstand the waterborne diseases that will cut like a knife through that very vulnerable population. Cholera is already endemic in Somalia and Mogadishu, and measles and malaria will also affect huge numbers of very vulnerable people when the rains come.</p> <h3>Britain's reponse to the food crisis</h3> <p>Let me set out what we in Britain are doing to help:</p> <p>First, in Somalia, Britain will be vaccinating more than 1.3 million children against measles and 670,000 children against polio, and providing mosquito nets for 160,000 families. During the last week, we think that we have managed to reach an additional 40,000 families inside Somalia, and 10,000 tonnes of food to treat and prevent moderate malnutrition have now arrived in the country.</p> <p>In Kenya, we are providing clean water for more than 300,000 people in Dadaab, and in northern Kenya more generally, we are helping 100,000 who have received 600 tonnes of UK-funded food aid during the last month.</p> <p>We have been working in Ethiopia for many years and it is for that reason that since 1992 the prevalence of malnutrition has fallen by about 50%.</p> <p>That shows the difference between working in a country where development can take place and Somalia, where it is very difficult. In Ethiopia we are feeding more than 2.4 million people. We recently provided 50 tonnes of seeds and 60 tonnes of fertilizer, and we are helping to vaccinate 300,000 livestock, which is important in enabling people to continue with their livelihoods when the famine is over.</p> <p>We are working extremely hard to persuade others to support that effort, with some success. Around £400 million has been pledged for Somalia since 1 July, and I will be working on that, along with other Ministers, at next week’s meetings of the United Nations and the World Bank. Progress is being made, but insufficient progress.</p> <h3>Building up resilience and improving food security</h3> <p>I come now to the central importance of trying to ensure that these crises are addressed upstream and that food insecurity is replaced by food security.</p> <p>At the end of last week, I visited an extremely important project, run by Britain and the World Food Programme, that seeks to build food security in Karamoja in northern Uganda. It encapsulates the old proverb, “Give a man a fish and he will eat for a day; teach him to fish and he will be able to feed himself.” We are engaged in a project that hitherto has spent £28 per person on securing food aid. Over the next three years we will spend £33 per person.</p> <p>As I saw for myself, that food security is developing well. In 2009 more than 1 million people in Karamoja were receiving food aid and the region was suffering from deep food insecurity, but by the end of this year we believe the figure will be below 140,000.</p> <p>In looking at that programme we saw all the things that need to happen. We saw effective irrigation, the harvesting of water through reservoirs, families growing food for themselves and market traders turning up on the sites where that food is being grown and buying the surplus. We saw feeder roads developing and warehouses springing up, which is very important. That is the way ahead to ensure that deep food insecurity is tackled. That is what we have been doing in Ethiopia, and the approach has helped to ensure that Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda are not now experiencing famine.</p> <p>Somalia is a different matter, where there is deep insecurity and ungoverned space. I underline our strong admiration and support for the brave people who go in to try to deliver life-saving aid and support there. An announcement was made last week by the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia on political developments and their intention to hold elections of some sort in a year’s time. I do not hide from the fact that there are very great difficulties in achieving what needs to be achieved. All this emphasises the importance of the work on resilience.</p> <p>I wish to end by making four points:</p> <ul> <li>There are 400,000 people, mainly children, in danger of dying as a result of the famine in Somalia</li> <li>Britain has set out clearly what needs to be done</li> <li>People across all parts of our country, as well as the Government, have given their money and support</li> <li>We cannot put a price on a life, but we can put a price on saving one. It is time for other countries to recognise that fact and reach deeper into their pockets.</li> </ul> <p><br><a title="Read the full transcript of the debate on Hansard" href="http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201011/cmhansrd/cm110915/debtext/110915-0002.htm#11091558000002" target="_blank">Read the full transcript of the debate on Hansard</a></p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Horn-of-Africa-debate-food-security-and-famine-prevention/ Andrew Mitchell Horn of Africa debate: food security and famine prevention 16 September 2011 Department for International Development unknown
<p class="date">13 September 2011</p> <p><strong>Andrew Mitchell's speech at Chatham House looked at why the UK is supporting the rise of democracy in the region, 12 September 2011.</strong></p> <p><strong>Watch the video on YouTube or read the transcript of the speech below</strong></p> <embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/ur0MxhetXwA&amp;hl=en_US&amp;fs=1&amp;" width="467" height="380" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true"></embed><p> </p> <h2>Full transcript</h2> <p>This afternoon, I want to focus on three themes.</p> <p>Firstly, why what is happening in North Africa and the Middle East today matters to us here in Britain, why this is a singular moment in history and why our response – and that of the international community – is so important. </p> <p>Secondly, and more specifically, why the Coalition Government is right to be supporting the people of Libya in their quest for democracy.</p> <p>And thirdly, I want to suggest some of the challenges that face the wider Arab world as it breaks free from the oppression that has been a way of life for so many of its people - and to outline some of the ways in which Britain can support this crucial transition.</p> <p>Why does Arab Spring matter for Britain and the wider world?</p> <p>So, first, the context. Why are we taking an interest? What does the Arab Spring mean for the wider world?</p> <p>I don’t need to tell this particular audience that the events we have witnessed this year, in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and elsewhere, have been truly momentous. Democracy is taking hold across the region. People who, for generations have been starved of freedom and a fair way of life are suddenly finding a voice. </p> <p>They are rewriting their future. And it is a future that is no longer predicated on the stark choice of repression or extremism. </p> <p>We can and should celebrate this incredible moment. We ourselves may have enjoyed the privilege of democracy for many centuries but that privilege was not earned without a struggle.  We know that governance without the mandate of the people is no governance at all. </p> <p>It has taken us many years to get to where we are, to put in place the freedoms, the rights and responsibilities that are the crucial foundations of a fair society.  But we have got there. Not for nothing did John Bright describe ours as the mother of all Parliaments. But the fact that we have history on our side does not make us an expert in governance in Egypt or Libya or in any other country beyond our shores. </p> <p>No, it is not for us or any other government to tell those countries the particular route they should take to secure the hopes and aspirations of their people.  Nor could we if we wanted to Just as there is no one recipe for economic growth neither is there any one single recipe for political emancipation. </p> <p>People across the Arab region may have found a voice but it is up to them how they make themselves heard. They and they alone must find a way to participate in the governance of their countries and to develop the systems and institutions which will create functioning and democratic states. </p> <p>But that does not mean that we cannot help them in this process.  Indeed, such a course of action is both morally right and in our national interest. </p> <p>It’s morally right because as a country whose values are firmly rooted in the basic principles of freedom, fairness and equality we have a duty to help those who share those beliefs but who are struggling to give them life.  </p> <p>And it’s in our national interest too. </p> <p>It’s in our national interest, first, because our own economy depends in part on our trade with these countries.  British exports totalled nearly £25 billion last year, and Gulf countries are amongst our biggest investors. </p> <p>Secondly, it’s in our interests because instability in the Middle East and the Gulf affects gas and oil prices here, hurting British business and British people.  </p> <p>And finally, it’s in our interests because this region matters in terms of security. As the Deputy Prime Minister has said, there is a greater risk of an Al Qaeda attack being planned and carried out from Yemen right now than there is from Afghanistan. A sobering thought on this, the day after the tenth anniversary of 9/11. </p> <p>Britain is well-placed to help. Not just by providing conventional aid, although in the immediate aftermath of revolution there is a genuine need for humanitarian support, but also by applying other levers. By engaging politically, by advocating freer trade, by providing the technical assistance that is so vital . By working closely and productively across Whitehall, as the Foreign Secretary, Defence Secretary and I already do. </p> <p>Be under no illusion, this is a seminal moment in history and we must help the Arab world to seize it.  Future generations will not look back and say Britain was found wanting.</p> <p> </p> <h2>Libya</h2> <p>Let me now turn to Libya, a country whose people, along with those in the Horn of Africa, have been at the forefront of our thoughts in recent months. </p> <p>The people of Libya have shown immense strength, determination and dignity in reclaiming their country and their destiny for themselves and their children. </p> <p>For those of us who take for granted the trappings of freedom: the ballot box or the courts or a functioning police service, the sight of young men and women gathering in their thousands on the streets of Tripoli following the downfall of Qadafi was humbling. The credit for that victory belongs to them and them alone. </p> <p>And just as it was right that they succeeded in achieving that victory, it was right that Britain and the international community did what we could to help. It was right because we could not stand by and watch as Qadafi prepared to slaughter his own people. Right because we share the values the Libyan people are seeking. And yes, right because we could not afford to let a failed state on Europe’s southern border threaten our own security. </p> <p>But there is still more to do. Not because Libya is a poor country that needs our financial help. It isn’t and it doesn’t. It’s rich in human and natural resources: with a population of 6 and a half million people and proven oil reserves that are the ninth largest in the world.  </p> <p>So, Libya is more than capable of building its own future. And it is already beginning to do so. The new authorities have produced a far-reaching roadmap and constitutional declaration that sets out a clear vision for a new democracy. It is planning for a new constitution and elections within 20 months.  </p> <p>But this is just the beginning of a very long road. The role of the international community is to support Libya as it makes that journey – while never forgetting that support in the absence of reform is ultimately in no-one’s interests at all.</p> <p>We’ve played a leading role in the humanitarian effort, focussing, in particular, on the four key areas of: health, water and food.  Through our recent support to the International Committee of the Red Cross, we are helping to: </p> <ul> <li>provide additional food supplies for nearly 700,000 people and;</li> <li>through the International Committee of the Red Cross we are providing surgical teams to treat up to 5,000 war-wounded patients </li> </ul> <p>Of course, challenges remain and undoubtedly, new ones will arise. Britain will continue to play its part under the leadership of the NTC working alongside the UN Humanitarian Co-ordinator Lady Amos and other humanitarian agencies. </p> <p>We are also working in partnership with the NTC and the UN as Libya’s people adapt to political and economic change and lay the foundations of a functioning democracy. The NTC has clear plans which set out the steps needed to bring about a stable, secure Libya.  We stand ready to respond to requests for assistance to support a Libyan-led transition and are already doing so in the area of policing. We will continue to work with the UN and others to ensure a timely, co-ordinated international response. </p> <p>Ultimately, however, Libya’s future lies in Libya’s hands. Its people have succeeded in taking power away from Qadafi, now the NTC must find a way of putting that power into the hands of the people so that it can be exercised for the good of all. </p> <h3>Wider region</h3> <p>I want now to turn to the wider region. What happened in Egypt and Tunisia and of course, Libya, earlier this year, brings hope across the whole of North Africa and the Middle East. And in Jordan and Morocco whose people have spoken with a quieter voice but with equal clarity, there have been subtle but no less important moves toward reform. </p> <p>Reform, however, doesn’t happen overnight. It takes time. And that in itself isn’t easy. When the momentum of revolution fades, those who seek lasting change have to deal in the currency of processes, procedures and systems.  The challenges are many and varied. Its these challenges that I now want to explore. </p> <h3>Challenges</h3> <p>First, economic stability. Across North Africa and the Middle East there is a tremendous opportunity to move beyond the old state-controlled economic systems of the region which so patently failed to deliver for ordinary people.  But at the same time we have to avoid replicating the chaos that befell countries like Russia in the aftermath of the Cold War. </p> <p>The transition has to be managed and managed carefully. Part of the solution lies in fixing the global economy. In getting the right conditions for macro economic stability, for secure public finances and strong growth policies. This is perhaps the biggest and most compelling challenge of all. </p> <p>Secondly, governments are not born with the trust of their people. They have to earn it. Democracy and accountability are essential. When people have a voice they have a stake in their future. They may not always like what’s being done but they know they can do something about it at the ballot box. </p> <p>Transparency is crucial as well. People need to be able to see where and how their money is being spent.  Although many of the countries in the region are rich in resources, the revenue has not always been fairly distributed. That’s why, for example, we’ve been encouraging the NTC in Libya to sign up to the Extractives Industries Transparency Initiative in respect of its oil revenues. </p> <p>Thirdly, after years of being ruled by fear rather than law corruption and cronyism in the private sector have become rife. This has to be addressed. Business has an immense potential to play a part in the future of this region but unless investors feel confident to engage and unless the benefits of economic growth are shared equitably, lasting reform will remain a noble aspiration. </p> <p>Finally, there is a crying need for more jobs – especially for young people – across the Southern Mediterranean countries.  Two thirds of the region are under 24 years old. They are better educated than their parents, healthier and more connected to the global economy. They have legitimate expectations and those expectations are not being met. </p> <p>Frustration and futility are powerful catalysts. Why else was it the voice of disaffected young people that was the first to be heard on the streets of Egypt, Tunisia and Libya? They have grown up in a world where they have seen others living lives of opportunity and choice and they want that for themselves.  Long-term reform must then, factor in the needs of the young, and in particular, their need for employment. </p> <h3>Britain’s response</h3> <p>So, if these are the challenges, what are we, here in Britain doing to help? </p> <p>We’re focussing our efforts on participation: political participation and economic participation. </p> <p>And we’re doing this in three different ways. </p> <p>First, through the Deauville Partnership. This partnership as many of you will know, was initially set up by the G8 earlier this year and now includes countries such as Turkey, Kuwait and the UAE. And it’s working. This weekend the international multilateral banks, including those from the region, made the important commitment to double the amount they are offering to £25 billion to support the plans for building inclusive growth and democracy in the region.  </p> <p>The Chancellor and I have strong expectations that the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development will play an important role in this process,  along the lines of that which it played in supporting the former Soviet Union countries. </p> <p>Secondly, at EU level we’re pushing for reform of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Britain has already led the call for better market access for reforming countries. Now, we want to see a revised Neighbourhood Policy that will lead to deeper economic integration across the region. </p> <p>The third arm of our response is being spearheaded by a new and expanded UK Arab Partnership. We want this partnership to promote economic growth and strengthen political participation across the region.  To help it achieve these goals we’ve set up a dedicated Partnership Fund.  It is already producing encouraging results in terms of broadening political participation.</p> <p>I give you just three examples:</p> <ul> <li>In Tunisia, a new BBC World Service Trust is helping the state broadcaster to become independent</li> <li>In Egypt, an NGO is preparing women to stand in elections and use social media to debate issues</li> <li>And in Cairo none other than Chatham House is running pre-election debates on subjects of political and economic significance</li> </ul> <p>On the economic front, the new fund will help countries to develop and diversify their economies. </p> <p>The sort of areas we envisage supporting are: </p> <p>First, boosting entrepreneurship, for example, by working with the African Development Bank in Tunisia to provide young entrepreneurs with seed funding, mentoring and a platform for sharing ideas. </p> <p>Secondly, tackling unemployment, by working with the Islamic Development Bank to give young people across the region the skills they need for the workplace. </p> <p>Thirdly, working with the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the International Finance Corporation in Egypt to help provide the business services – marketing, financial management and export skills – that are so badly needed. Or by working with the same partners in Egypt and Tunisia to help banks and lenders to provide the financial services that are so vital for micros and SMEs. </p> <p>And finally, we’re providing crucial international leadership by making sure that the IMF, the World Bank and the UN work in partnership with countries across the region to deliver the reform that will stand the test of time.  I particularly welcome the International Monetary Fund’s recognition of Libya’s National Transitional Council as the legitimate representative of the Libyan people.</p> <p> </p> <h2>Conclusion and prospects for the future</h2> <p>Ladies and Gentlemen, the changes that have taken place across North Africa and the Middle East are historic. Historic not just for the people of those countries but for us here in Britain. Our own peace and prosperity are linked to the stability of those countries that are in transition. <br>These people have shown that if you believe in something strongly enough you can achieve change even in the most hostile of environments. This is something from which we can all take heart. </p> <p>Yes, the situation is fluid and fast-moving and it would be foolish to suggest we can be certain what will happen in individual countries. Syria looks increasingly fragile. We will have to deal with the reality of engaging with new political movements, including Islamic-based parties and we must be ready to tailor our response to specific circumstances. </p> <p>But above all, this is a moment for optimism and hope. Men and women in our time are writing a new chapter in their history. We here in Britain applaud them. We are proud to be part of their story.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Andrew-Mitchell-Why-the-Arab-Spring-matters-for-Britain-and-beyond/ Andrew Mitchell Andrew Mitchell: Why the Arab Spring matters for Britain and beyond 13 September 2011 Department for International Development unknown
<p class="date">12 September 2011</p> <h3>Alan Duncan welcomes a new initiative promoting diversity and equal rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people</h3> <p>I would like to take this opportunity to welcome the launch of <a title="Go to the Kaleidoscope Trust website" href="http://www.kaleidoscopetrust.com" target="_blank">The Kaleidoscope Trust</a> - an independent not-for-profit organisation working globally to promote rights for all citizens, regardless of sexual orientation.</p> <p>It is outrageous that people across the world are still subject to arrest, detention or even death simply because of their sexual orientation or gender identity and this Government is fully committed to advancing LGB&amp;T equality and challenge discrimination wherever it occurs.</p> <p>The <a title="Download the action plan on LGB&amp;T equality" href="http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/publications/equalities/lgbt-equality-publications/lgbt-action-plan" target="_blank">UK published an action plan in March</a> this year that demonstrated its commitment to advancing equality for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGB&amp;T) people domestically and internationally. </p> <p>The UK is actively pressing countries to ensure they do more to promote the basic rights of all of their citizens. We strive to give a voice to those who are oppressed or threatened.</p> <p>The UK is committed to promoting basic rights across African countries and other developing nations, with aid programmes to promote civil society, better education and encourage better parliamentary scrutiny, allowing the people to hold their Government to account. </p> <p>Through these actions, we are taking steps towards greater equality and a world where people can live their lives free from stigma, discrimination and persecution.</p> <p>We look forward to Kaleidoscope contributing to this crucial work.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Alan-Duncan-Launch-of-the-Kaleidoscope-Trust/ Alan Duncan Alan Duncan: Launch of the Kaleidoscope Trust 12 September 2011 Department for International Development unknown
<p class="date">05 September 2011</p> <p><strong>Andrew Mitchell's second written statement to the House of Commons on British intervention in the Horn of Africa food crisis</strong></p> <p>The drought has prompted the most serious food insecurity situation in the world today. Across the region, 18 million people require emergency assistance. The UK continues to be at the forefront of the world’s response – I can report that Britain was one of the first donors to step forward with significant funds. Following my announcement on 17 August of an additional £29 million for Somalia, our contribution across the Horn stands at £124.29 million, which we estimate will provide assistance to over 3 million people. We are the second largest bilateral donor behind the US. These funds have been reallocated from elsewhere in Britain’s Development budget. The British public, too, is showing incredible compassion and commitment, raising more than £57 million through the Disaster Emergency Committee East Africa appeal.</p> <p>Southern Somalia is the area of most concern. The first famine of the 21st Century was declared there in two regions in late July and further news from the UN earlier today means that 750,000 people face imminent starvation in the next 4 months. In places, malnutrition rates are more than three times the emergency threshold, and tens of thousands are thought to have already died. Many of those who are still strong enough have fled – to Mogadishu, where I witnessed at first hand the depth of the crisis a few weeks ago – and to camps in Ethiopia and Kenya. When I visited Dadaab in north-eastern Kenya in July, I saw how agencies have struggled to keep up with the flow of new arrivals. The camps there represent the biggest concentration of refugees anywhere in the world. </p> <p>While Somalia remains our chief concern, the situation in Ethiopia and Kenya is also deeply worrying. More people are affected by the crisis in Ethiopia than any other country in the region. According to government figures, 4.56 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance. Ethiopia hosts 240,000 refugees – over 75,000 from Somalia arriving this year. In Kenya, the worst affected areas are in the northern and eastern arid and semi arid lands – over 500,000 children and pregnant and breastfeeding women are suffering from acute malnutrition.</p> <p>Across the region, the crisis is made even worse by conflict and insecurity. Over the weekend, 20,000 Sudanese refugees crossed into Ethiopia fleeing violence in eastern Sudan. And in the worst affected parts of Somalia, insecurity means that many of those in most need cannot be reached. Officials in my department are working closely with a small number of well-established and trusted agencies that can deliver effectively on the ground, ensuring aid reaches those it is intended for.</p> <p>Let me be clear that across the Horn the situation will worsen before it improves, with the situation forecast to be at its most dire in October. Relief efforts are now reaching more people every week, but although donor support and the volume of assistance in the pipeline have increased significantly, there remain serious gaps. Diseases such as cholera, measles and malaria represent a growing threat to the weakened population. It is vital that increased support flows into the health and water and sanitation sectors.</p> <p>Although the situation remains grave, UK aid is working. Our support is already showing results:</p> <ul> <li>In Somalia the UK will vaccinate at least 1.3 million children against measles and 670,000 against polio. Some 624,000 children will receive vitamin A inputs and at least 528,000 children will receive de-worming medication</li> <li>In Ethiopia in June and July, the UK helped to provide food to 2.4 million people with 1.68 million people benefitting from UK funded food aid programmes in May</li> <li>UK support has also provided over 45,000 people with food distributions or vouchers for food in Somalia. By the end of this week, an additional 35,000 will have been provided with cash to buy food</li> <li>A further 18,000 of the most severely malnourished Somali children will have been treated with specially formulated food</li> <li>A consignment of over 10,000 metric tonnes of specially formulated flour, rice, pulses, and oil for the prevention and treatment of moderately malnourished children is now en route to Somalia</li> <li>Almost 160,000 mosquito nets have been purchased to prevent weakened children and their families succumbing to malaria</li> </ul> <p>Unfortunately, other countries have been slower to contribute. That is why, throughout the summer, we have relentlessly pushed donor governments across the world to dig deeper. This has yielded results and relief operations are now on a stronger financial footing. But acute humanitarian needs will persist into 2012 and Britain will continue to play a leading role in keeping the world’s attention focussed, and pushing for sustained international support.</p> <p>Ultimately, we need to stop these crises happening. We cannot avoid droughts, but we can avoid famines. We are already investing in building the resilience of communities to shocks. There is clear evidence that these investments work, as we can see from the impact of the crisis in Somalia, compared to Ethiopia, where people were better able to deal with the shock. We must build on this success.</p> <p>In the long run, investing more effectively in reducing poverty and reinforcing resilience is not only better value for money than emergency relief, but will help those affected to break out of the cycle of disaster. In Somalia and the region, however, we need political progress to ensure aid can be used most effectively.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Andrew-Mitchell-Second-update-on-aid-to-the-Horn-of-Africa/ Andrew Mitchell Andrew Mitchell: Further update on aid to the Horn of Africa 05 September 2011 Department for International Development Horn of Africa
<p class="date">12 July 2011</p> <p><strong>Stephen O’Brien's speech on World Population Day to the All Party Parliamentary Group on Population, Development and Reproductive Health and International Planned Parenthood Federation, 11 July 2011</strong></p> <p>I am delighted to be here with you again today to mark World Population Day. If I recall, this event last year was one of my first engagements as a DFID Minister.</p> <p>Thanks to the APPG and its Chair, Baroness Tonge, as well as its Vice-Chairs who are here this evening, Geoffrey Clifton-Browne and Richard Ottaway. And thanks too to IPPF and Gill Greer, and all the other organisations here tonight working to improve sexual and reproductive health for such a warm welcome. Special thanks are in order for Gill, as she steps down later this year as Director General of IPPF.</p> <p>The theme this year is “7 billion reasons” which is a strong reminder to us about how we cannot ignore the importance of population growth when talking about development.</p> <p>We all know that the United Nations estimate that the world population will pass 7 billion this October, and continue rising – more than likely - to more than 9 billion by 2050. Almost all - 99% - of this growth will occur in the high fertility developing countries. Which means that most of the countries of sub-Saharan Africa will see continuing and rapid population growth for the next several decades.</p> <p>Some people say that population is too difficult or too sensitive a subject to tackle or even to talk about. The fact is that many development agencies shy away from discussing population, in case they are accused of removing free choice or forcing individuals to have fewer children.</p> <p>Let me make two things absolutely clear:</p> <ul> <li>First - the Coalition Government does not support programmes that coerce individuals and couples to have fewer children. Population control, in the sense of government edicts and targets on fertility levels, has no ethical place in contemporary rights based development policy making.</li> <li>And secondly, we will not shy away from talking about population – about global population growth and its impacts.</li> </ul> <p>We are proud to be giving more women the choices they crave. To choose whether, when and how many children they have. We know that 215 million couples who want to delay or avoid a pregnancy do not have access to effective methods of contraception. We believe it is high time their needs were met. We are proud to be playing a leading role in meeting the unmet need for family planning.</p> <p>As the largest generation of adolescents in human history enters their reproductive years, the demand for basic services like water and sanitation, education and health will steadily rise. Kenya will have seen a 60% rise in the number of school children aged between 5 and 14 by 2050.</p> <p>But it is not just basic services that will feel the strain of rapid population growth. Natural resources like water and fuel wood, and land for growing food, will all come under increasing pressure. The poor, those most reliant on the natural environment for their basic survival, will feel the greatest impact.</p> <p>Working for gender equality and the empowerment and education of women and girls will help. We know that the more time spent in school correlates with later marriage and lower fertility. Better water and sanitation, and better health and education services will increase peoples’ confidence that their children will survive into adulthood – and thus also help lower desired family size.</p> <p>That’s just one of the reasons why this government has pledged to vaccinate over 80 million children over the next few years.</p> <p>We are also working with the NIKE foundation to help 200,000 girls in Northern Ethiopia to delay marriage and stay in school.</p> <p>We are training an additional 3,700 health workers in Liberia to provide essential health care services for women and children.</p> <p>We all agree - women need better access to sexual and reproductive health services, including family planning. Both, short-term, reversible methods for those who want to delay or space a pregnancy, and safe longer acting or permanent methods for those who have decided not to have any more children.</p> <p>Meeting the unmet need is crucial. The figure of 215 million couples is really incredibly important. The UN’s medium population projection to 2050 of 9.3 billion is firmly based on the assumption that the unmet need – the family planning gap - is closed, by giving people the services they’re demanding.</p> <p>If we do not work harder and put renewed emphasis on reproductive health, especially family planning – if we don’t invest in better and more accessible family planning services – then some people argue that the higher UN projection of around 11 billion people by 2050 begins to look like the more realistic number. What will that mean for basic services?</p> <p>The Coalition Government is working on plans for improving reproductive, maternal and newborn health in developing countries. We will start to close the gap for family planning because it is what women say they need; because it saves women’s and children’s lives; because it can help us reach the Millennium Development Goals and because it offers incredible value for money.</p> <p>As many of you know, we are committed to doubling our efforts for women’s health to save the lives of 50,000 women, enable 10 million more women to use modern methods of family planning and prevent more than 5 million unintended pregnancies.</p> <p>One element of this involves working with the private sector to increase access to contraceptives.</p> <p>And here I do want to recognise the efforts of the team at DFID, and particularly Julia Bunting, for their work with colleagues at the Reproductive Health Supplies Coalition and Merck.</p> <p>In Addis Ababa last month, I am delighted that Merck were able to announce their commitment to reduce the price of their long-lasting implant, IMPLANON. This will make a massive difference to the lives of 14.5 million of the poorest women between now and 2015.</p> <p>The UK Government remains committed to playing a full part in championing reproductive and maternal health, in championing women’s rights and empowerment, and in championing the benefits of family planning.</p> <p>But we will also be championing the importance of global population growth and ensuring it is recognised in discussions on development in an open, honest and constructive way. Rapid population growth will only slow and begin to fall when women are educated and empowered to take control of their sexual and reproductive lives – In short by being enabled to take control of their lives, they give us the best chance that the world does not lose control of all our lives.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Stephen-OBrien-In-a-world-of-seven-billion-people/ Stephen O'Brien Stephen O'Brien: In a world of seven billion people 12 July 2011 Department for International Development All Party Parliamentary Group
<p class="date">11 July 2011</p> <p><strong>Andrew Mitchell's speech to the London School of Business looks at why trade, investment and business is on the up in Africa, 11 July 2011</strong></p> <p><a title="Click here to see the full graphic on Wordle.net" href="http://www.wordle.net/show/wrdl/3841234/Booming_Africa" target="_blank"><img alt="" src="/Images/Infographics%20and%20charts/Booming-Africa-Wordle.jpg"></a></p> <p>Thank you very much for your kind invitation, to all of you for coming and to Sir Andrew for his kind introductory comments. </p> <p>For those of you who are maybe wondering what the Secretary of State for International Development is doing giving a speech to the London Business School - if you are wondering that, it’s because clearly, you’ve not followed closely the changes that this Coalition Government has made to the way that DFID works. </p> <p>By the time I sit down, I hope I’ll have remedied that. </p> <p>I cannot think of a better place to deliver my message than here, at one of the world’s best business schools. </p> <p>This evening, I’m going to challenge some of the myths and assumptions about Africa. </p> <p>I do so, of course, at a time when sadly, once again, parts of the Horn of Africa face their worst drought in 60 years. Britain is playing its part in tackling this effectively and directly. </p> <p>But I want to argue that despite its undoubted poverty and hardship, Africa is also a continent of innovation, enterprise and opportunity. </p> <p>A continent where there are inspiring individuals who want to change things and where those who want to improve the lives of the poorest in the world, as well as making money, should be clamouring for opportunities to invest. <br></p> <h3>Introduction</h3> <p>I’m going tonight to lay before you three specific propositions.  </p> <p>First, that a new chapter in Africa’s history is opening up. </p> <p>Secondly, that this is a moment of opportunity for Africa and of choice for those who invest there. </p> <p>And thirdly, that this Coalition Government is determined to help businesses – both international and local - play a leading part in Africa’s success.</p> <p>Let me start with some context.</p> <p>First of all, let no one accuse me of being naïve. It is too real a truth that Africa faces great challenges. </p> <p>There’s the drought in the Horn where the rains have failed for the second year running, a crisis in Zimbabwe, a new state to be built in South Sudan, piracy off the coast of Somalia, and International Criminal Court investigations in Kenya. </p> <p>Growth – where it has occurred - has at times ingrained inequalities – particularly for girls and women. Extractive resource industries have often fuelled conflict. </p> <p>And the statistics on deep and unremitting poverty speak for themselves: </p> <ul> <li>250,000 women dying from causes relating to pregnancy each year</li> <li>330 million people without access to safe water</li> <li>more than 565 million people without access even to a basic pit latrine </li> </ul> <p>These very real challenges illustrate just why this Government has a substantial development programme in Africa.</p> <p>British aid and debt forgiveness have, over the years, helped many African economies to stabilise and grow. Now, the Coalition Government is refocusing its aid programme to fuel the engine of development – the private sector – to help provide Africa’s poorest people with the means to create their own wealth. </p> <p>We’re doing this because Africa’s long-term prosperity – and the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals - depend not only on aid or charity but also on sustained, economic growth.</p> <p>To quote Kofi Annan:  </p> <p>“It is the absence of broad-based business activity, not its presence, that condemns much of humanity to suffering”</p> <p>So, now, let’s consider some more context. </p> <p>Just a decade ago Africa was a continent of low – or no – growth.</p> <p>Today:</p> <ul> <li>It has six of the ten fastest growing economies in the world</li> <li>It is growing faster than the OECD, Latin America, Eastern Europe and the Middle East</li> <li>By 2020, five of its cities will each have household spending to rival Mumbai – one of the world’s largest cities. Imagine that – five Mumbais in Africa…</li> </ul> <p>In short, not only is Africa open for business – it is a place of huge business opportunity. </p> <p>Its budget deficits are coming down. </p> <p>Its capital markets are beginning to take off. </p> <p>Its regulations and laws are starting now to encourage investment. Between 2006 and 2011, 39 African countries rose up the World Bank’s “Ease of Doing Business” Index. </p> <p>There’s also a greater understanding that independent judicial systems give investors the confidence to know they will be treated fairly and not according to political whim. </p> <p>And to those who say they’ve seen future dawns before in Africa, I say that it is the quality of its growth over the past decade that is profoundly different .</p> <p>It’s no longer focused only on the commodities sector as in previous booms. Less traditional areas, such as the retail and financial sectors are attracting more interest. </p> <p>Chinese, Indian and Brazilian companies are increasing their investments. </p> <p>Twenty African companies can now lay claim to revenues of at least $3 billion, while small and medium-sized African businesses are seeking new openings.</p> <p>Members of Africa’s diaspora are spotting the market opportunities and returning home, joining African businesspeople like Tony Elumelu, the Chairman of Heirs Holdings who’s here with us tonight. Or Josephine Okot who has developed her company, Victoria Seeds from a small enterprise into a business that’s now involved in research, production, processing and marketing.</p> <p>I met returning members of the Nigerian diaspora myself when I was in Lagos just a few days ago: men and women like Tayo Oviosu who runs the mobile payment service, Paga. Or Tokunboh Ishmael, who returned to Nigeria from the UK and now runs the impact investment firm, Alithea capital. </p> <p>And the changes in the business climate and opportunities are accompanied by other change too. </p> <p>Across the continent there are some inspiring stories of democratic and political progress. Twenty years ago, presidents could rely on being in post for life, never catching sight of a ballot box or polling station, and kleptocracy was the norm. Today, far more leaders are appointed through contested elections, not least thanks to the adoption of the Harare Principles by the Commonwealth Heads of Government in 1990 when John Major was Prime Minister. </p> <p>And in just the space of the past year alone we’ve seen: </p> <ul> <li>credible elections in Africa’s most populous nation, Nigeria</li> <li>the adoption of a new and improved constitution in Kenya and</li> <li>the birth of a new nation, as voted for in a broadly peaceful referendum, just this weekend in South Sudan</li> </ul> <p>This is an important moment: Africa has reached a crunchpoint, because if it is to continue on this upward trajectory, its growth has to be intensified, broadened and deepened.</p> <p>And some of the people who can make that happen are sitting in this room this evening. </p> <h3>Opportunity and choice</h3> <p>So, if this is a moment of opportunity in many places across Africa, it is also a moment of huge opportunity for business. Opportunity and choice. The nature of that choice will define the future for generations to come.</p> <ul> <li>I put it to you tonight that if you’re amongst the companies already investing in Africa and using local supply chains, helping develop the local workforce and thinking about the long-term - then you are in a very good place. You have the edge. This will be good for Africa and good for your annual returns.</li> <li>If you’re a company working in Africa and not incorporating sustainability into your business model, then I’m afraid you might just find yourself looking on enviously as your competitors streak ahead over the coming years.</li> <li>And if you’re not there at all, or haven’t gone beyond the propaganda that says all Africa is corrupt, unstable and unsafe, then – well, you’re missing out altogether.</li> </ul> <p>As I say, a moment of choice. Scratch beneath the surface, go beyond CSR, and make a healthy profit for your shareholders while also creating lasting improvements for poor people. Or allow your company’s performance to be compromised so that it never reaches its full potential. </p> <p>As a Minister I know that my duty to taxpayers provides an imperative for the Government to help stimulate growth in Africa. Helping create a prosperous, stable and secure continent is not just a nice thing to do, though I do believe it’s the right thing to do. It is also firmly in Britain’s interests. </p> <p>That same logic applies to the options available to you. Invest in Africa, and do so in a way that generates deep-seated growth not just quick wins – and you’ll find that your duty, to your shareholders, is fulfilled too. I spent many years in business. I understand bottom lines.  </p> <p>There is no single business model. Just as we’d be alarmed if people thought about Europe as just a single undifferentiated economy; so the model across the diverse continent of Africa will vary. And, of course, a blueprint for the private sector is a contradiction in terms.  </p> <p>I think of a recent visit to Sudan, where one of my most memorable experiences was attending a meeting with a group of African, European and American entrepreneurs to discuss the business opportunities in South Sudan. What united them was not the business model they were pursuing but their enthusiasm, their innovation and sheer can-doism. It was absolutely electrifying. </p> <p>Let me give you a few examples that illustrate the diversity of approach that businesses have adopted. </p> <p>Some have chosen to find their competitive edge in using local suppliers and creating a local market.</p> <p>SAB Miller, for example, is working with small-holder farmers in South Sudan to use cassava in the production of beer. </p> <p>By sourcing ingredients locally it will improve market opportunities for around 2,000 poor farmers. </p> <p>This is not altruism. This is a major industrial plant with a substantial turnover, using local supply chains because it makes business sense. The result for the company – a healthy profit and a whole new market. The result for Africa – employment, growth and consumer choice. </p> <p>Others have established partnerships with a range of local enterprises. In Tanzania, Unilever has worked with the Tanzanian Government to develop a wide coalition, including local farmers and businesses. As a result, they’ve been able to boost agricultural productivity among smallholder farmers and make sure that poor people benefit from increased investment. </p> <p>I want to see more of this sort of collaboration. I want to see companies going out of their way to find local producers, to create local supply chains, to engage local communities. </p> <p>And I want to see more partnerships with the indigenous business community within Africa. </p> <p>This approach is as good for business as it is for Africa. The more deeply enterprises can embed their practices locally and regionally, whether through jobs or partnerships or trade, the more sustainable – and profitable – those businesses will become. </p> <p>Others have made a profit out of finding sustainable ways to use scarce resources. In Ghana, Abellon CleanEnergy is using degraded land to plant biomass-rich crops, such as bamboo, palmarosa and sweet sorghum. </p> <p>They want to bring sustainable power to one million customers, reduce CO2 emissions by 200,000 tons a year, create 25,000 jobs by 2015 – and let’s not forget – because they want to make a profit.</p> <p>Yet others, have found a market in responding to basic needs. </p> <ul> <li>Inexpensive water filters that promote the health of the local workforce</li> <li>Solar-powered lamps - cheap enough to be within reach of Africa’s poorest people</li> <li>Fertilizer sold in 1 kilogram bags at prices farmers can afford – creating jobs and increasing yields, as I saw for myself in Nigeria</li> </ul> <p>Then there’s the hand-held technology that allows local traders to save money without having to spend time away from their shops. In Lagos, I met a businessman who was selling air conditioning units. Like other shopkeepers he’s just found it too difficult to take time out to go to the bank. </p> <p>Now, thanks to a system called E-susu – which DFID part-funds - the bank comes to him instead. As a result, he’s been able to borrow £500 to develop his company and to send his two children to school. It’s thousands of small businesses like these which can make such a difference to Nigeria’s economy and help to provide a secure platform for its future prosperity. </p> <h3>Government is helping business to invest</h3> <p>I come now to my third message: that this Coalition Government is working to make it easier for companies to do business in Africa – so creating more opportunities for poor people. We are absolutely determined to make this the defining message of the Coalition Government in this area. <br>Take a step back for a moment and you’ll get a better perspective on the sheer scale of Africa’s potential. The opportunity is immense.  </p> <p>This Coalition Government’s commercial diplomacy agenda will help you identify those opportunities. Its 14 UK Trade and Investment offices and its missions across Africa are supporting British businesses. </p> <p>We’re also supporting emerging African businesses because we know that small and medium enterprises are the key to job-creating growth. The new UK-South Africa Business Forum, agreed last month, will connect business leaders and deepen links between future generations of UK and South African entrepreneurs. </p> <p>At DFID, we are structuring support for business in three ways, in part through the new Private Sector Department. </p> <p>First, by addressing some of the blockages that are the biggest deterrent to investment. </p> <p>Secondly, by offering to share some of the risk and reforming and reinvigorating CDC. </p> <p>And thirdly, by setting the framework for more sustainable investment. </p> <p>(i) Blockages</p> <p>First then, the blockages. Here are just a few examples: </p> <p>We’re investing in Africa’s most precious resource – its people. By 2014, British aid to Africa will get another 5 million children into school, protect 30 million people from malaria, and provide 14 million people with access to clean drinking water. Sick people, mothers with sick children, can’t work and won’t be economically active.  </p> <p>We’re working with governments to reduce start-up times, as in Ghana where instead of taking ten weeks to register a business it now takes under two. </p> <p>We’re helping refine legal systems, providing support to the new commercial courts in Uganda and Nigeria. Indeed, we’re going further in Nigeria, helping to develop Alternative Dispute Resolution mechanisms so that investors can settle commercial disputes without wasting lengthy and costly periods of time in congested courts. </p> <p>We are tackling corruption head-on, improving public financial management, promoting transparency, and funding anti-corruption units within the Metropolitan Police and the City of London Police.</p> <p>We are addressing the vital issue of property rights, supporting the land reform that can unlock economic growth and empower women by enabling them to borrow. Women represent 70 per cent of agricultural labour across Africa but own only 1 per cent of the land. We’re helping to provide secure tenure for the vast majority of adult Rwandans who own land – a total of some 10 million plots.</p> <p>And we’re investing in Africa’s infrastructure:</p> <ul> <li>helping to fund part of the North South corridor to link ports in South Africa and Tanzania with the copper-belt of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zambia</li> <li>investing in the one-stop border post between Zambia and Zimbabwe – cutting crossing times from three days to three hours</li> <li>working with the President of Nigeria whose top priority is boosting the power supply in a country with a population three times that of England yet which produces the same amount of power as the population of Bradford consumes - and</li> <li>investing in transformative innovations like the SeaCom cable which has brought broadband to the whole of East Africa, boosting bandwidth supplies by 700 per cent in Kenya, 850 per cent in Mozambique and 1,000 per cent in Tanzania. Not bad.</li> </ul> <p>To sum up, we are helping Africa to do business. Piece by piece we’re dismantling the barriers.  </p> <p>Now, I want to dwell for slightly longer on trade. </p> <p>As a single market of one billion people, Africa could rival China or India. But Sub Saharan Africa is a jigsaw of countries, many of them landlocked, and the tariffs and regulations created by national boundaries get in the way. </p> <p>The geography isn’t great but the solution is clear. African economies need to be more closely integrated with each other. </p> <p>Last month, governments from Cairo to the Cape opened negotiations to establish a Free Trade Area covering 26 countries and some 60 per cent of Africa’s total population and GDP. Just consider for a moment that one historic step: a new free trade area amongst 26 countries. This is a prize worth pursuing and through our work with a number of regional economic communities in East and Southern Africa we are determined to help Africa secure it. </p> <p>This push for free trade in Africa will, and must, be linked to efforts to integrate Africa more firmly into the global trading system. The UK is leading an aggressive push for the Least Developed Countries to access G20 markets, duty free and quota free, and for the locking-in of the benefits of the Doha trade talks.  </p> <p>So, as the Prime Minister has said, we will use all of our diplomatic and aid levers to support African Free Trade – and our embassies will do far more to support trade in Africa. </p> <p>Why should this matter to you? Well, if, as some say world markets are reaching saturation levels, then Africa is the next, maybe even the last, big market. </p> <p>(ii) Sharing the Risk</p> <p>I know that investment decisions aren’t to be taken lightly. But there are ways you can minimise your exposure, and where we can help.  </p> <p>A revitalised CDC with its new business plan and soon, a new CEO, is looking for businesses to co-invest with. It’s committed to being the most pro-poor investor in development, considering the most speculative options, but at the same time managing those risks tightly. </p> <p>If infrastructure is your thing, the Private Infrastructure Development Group, the PIDG, that we support, can help to mitigate some of the associated risks and costs. It was involved with the SeaCom internet cable which I mentioned a few moments ago.</p> <p>Then there are our Challenge Funds that provide grants and loans to support innovative, high-impact schemes. In Kenya, for example, our collaboration with Vodafone on M-PESA, has helped 14 million Kenyans to have access to easy and affordable money transfer services. If you want to know more about M-PESA let me recommend August’s edition of “Wired”, no less. </p> <p>(iii) Responsible and Sustainable Investment </p> <p>The other key way in which the Government is helping the private sector is by setting the framework and incentives for deeper and more sustainable investment. </p> <p>So many of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa are rich in oil, gas, coal or minerals. The potential for growth is immense. However, as the distinguished professor Paul Collier argues, if countries are to move from poverty to prosperity they need to make the right decision at every stage from the early days of discovery through to the wise investments of proceeds. </p> <p>We look at this issue of responsible natural resource management from many different angles:</p> <ul> <li>The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative</li> <li>The Voluntary Principles and</li> <li>The Natural Resource Charter </li> </ul> <p>The Business Secretary and the Chancellor are pressing for a European agreement which matches new standards set in the US, to make it mandatory for extractive companies to disclose the payments they make to governments. The Chancellor also raised the issue of new international rules at the G20 earlier this year. </p> <p>Sustainable investment also means new ways of doing things that don’t degrade the environment for future generations. In Tanzania, for example, Unilever collects water that it stores in reservoirs and lakes during the rainy season so that it can use to it irrigate its tea estates in the dry season. </p> <p>And through its support for the Ethical Trading Initiative, DFID is bringing business together with trades unions and NGOs to tackle poor conditions in the workplace. Because how can you sustain and grow a business over the long-term if you don’t adopt policies that protect the vulnerable, including women and children, from exploitation? </p> <p>We’re helping to blaze a trail for others to follow. CDC has its own code that sets out the environmental, social and governance standards it expects from the companies in which it invests. </p> <p>And we’ve passed the Bribery Act to make sure that businesses play fair, and do not win contracts through the back door. </p> <p>Our emphasis on raising standards and transparency should help to pull others along with us. We want businesses in other countries to meet these same standards too. We won’t allow British businesses to be at a disadvantage simply because they are playing by the rules. We want you to succeed. </p> <h3>Conclusion</h3> <p>So, Ladies and Gentlemen, I hope today I’ve gone some way to showing you that Africa’s growth is your growth. That those of us who have “international development” in our job titles and those of you in the business community absolutely have similar interests when it comes to the development of Africa.</p> <p>In fact, let me invite you to consider this reality. </p> <p>When people talk about doing good in Africa, they tend to think of women and men in T shirts handing out food and medicine. I’m the first to say that these are some of the heroes of the modern world. </p> <p>But so too, are the men and women of business who have the potential to help transform the continent. Africa still needs some help through aid, yes, but the power of your companies and the power of your ideas can also help Africa bank the moment of opportunity that it now faces.</p> <p>Well-directed action by people sitting in boardrooms can improve the lives of people in Africa just as much as aid workers and charity campaigners can.</p> <p>Over the next decade, you have the chance to contribute to a change in Africa that is as substantial as the one that has taken place over the last 10 years, while also fulfilling your responsibilities to your shareholders.  </p> <p>Now that, Ladies and Gentlemen, is a serious business proposition.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Andrew-Mitchell-on-why-trade-and-business-is-booming-in-Africa/ Andrew Mitchell Andrew Mitchell: Africa is open for business 11 July 2011 Department for International Development unknown
<p class="date">06 July 2011</p> <p><strong>Andrew Mitchell's written statement to the House of Commons on British intervention in the Horn of Africa food crisis</strong></p> <p>The Horn of Africa is currently experiencing a major humanitarian crisis: 10 million people are in need of emergency relief and the situation is likely to get worse, in places, before it improves when the next rains come. This is the Horn of Africa’s most severe drought since 1995. In some areas, 2010-2011 has been the driest period in 60 years, and soaring local and global food and fuel prices have made the situation worse. The ongoing conflict and insecurity in Somalia in particular is exacerbating the problem and driving over 10,000 people a week to flee into neighbouring Kenya. Ethiopia, Somalia and Kenya are the worst hit.</p> <p>In the long term, people in the Horn of Africa desperately need food security. The UK is a world leader in supporting countries to become more resilient to drought and famine, and has been working in the region for many years. Thanks to UK support, 7.8 million people in Ethiopia have access to cash and food in exchange for work through the Productive Safety Net Programme. DFID funding is also helping create 60,000 new jobs that are not dependant on rain fed agriculture. A further 60,000 people are assisted through a “safety net” programme for the poorest households in Kenya. </p> <p>These programmes that build long term resilience are having an impact. In 1992, 71% of the population of Ethiopia were chronically malnourished (out of 53 million). Today, only 46% of a total population of 80 million are malnourished, so tens of millions more Ethiopians are able to feed themselves throughout the year. Those benefiting from UK-supported programmes have proved less vulnerable to the current drought. But long term resilience takes many years to build up, and emergency relief is needed now to respond to the crisis before our eyes, and to make sure that the significant development gains of recent years are not eroded.</p> <p>On 3 July the UK government announced significant funding for the World Food Programme to help feed 1.3m Ethiopians for 3 months and to help 329,000 malnourished children and pregnant women. Our commitment will allow the WFP to access food from the Government of Ethiopia’s Emergency Food Reserve now, while also starting procurement to replenish the reserve in time to meet shortfalls expected during the peak period of need (September to November). </p> <p>The UK has also provided strong support for Kenya and for Somalia in the last financial year, funding emergency nutrition, health, water and sanitation and livelihood support activities through UN agencies, Red Cross and non-governmental organisations. We are rapidly looking at what additional support the UK should give in Somalia and Kenya. </p> <p>But other countries must also do more. We are vigorously pressing the rest of the international community and governments in the region to join us in stepping up and taking action to prevent this disaster becoming a catastrophe. Intervening now is more cost-effective than waiting for the situation to get worse. I am in close touch with Baroness Amos, UN Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs, who I met on Tuesday 5 July to discuss how to galvanise a bigger and more effective response.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Andrew-Mitchell-on-UK-aid-for-the-Horn-of-Africa-food-crisis/ Andrew Mitchell Andrew Mitchell: Aid for the Horn of Africa food crisis 06 July 2011 Department for International Development House of Commons on British intervention
<p class="date">03 July 2011</p> <p>Richard Olver<br>Chairman<br>BAE Systems<br>6 Carlton Gardens<br>London<br>SW1Y 5AD<br>United Kingdom</p> <p> </p> <p>I promised to set out the details of the proposal that the Government of Tanzania prepared with the help of DFID’s highly experienced development professionals in Tanzania. The proposal attached suggests that a one-off payment be made to top up the 'education capitation' grant. In the Government of Tanzania's budget for 2010 the capitation grant was £40 million, the equivalent of £5 per student.  However, this budget line has been consistently underfunded in recent years, so that only around £2.50 per student has actually been paid.  </p> <p>It is my firm belief that BAE should consider adopting the proposal in full. Far from being a political donation to a party (the Government of Tanzania is freely elected by the people of Tanzania), the proposal would use government financial systems to buy specific benefits for Tanzanian school children. It is entirely in keeping with spirit of BAE’s settlement with the Serious Fraud Office when it said the payment should be ‘for the benefit of the people of Tanzania’. The results would be very tangible: 4.4 million textbooks, syllabi for teachers in every primary school, 200,000 desks for kids and more than 1000 houses for teachers in remote areas.   </p> <p>In this way, the payment would also be transparent, auditable and could be independently monitored. It would avoid the losses associated with multiple contributions via many intermediary organisations. As a lead donor in Tanzania, DFID would be in a position to help verify that the money was being used for the intended purpose, as we do with the utmost rigour when it comes to British taxpayer routed through Tanzania’s budget. And because it enjoys the support of the Government of Tanzania, it is likely to enable the episode to be concluded swiftly, justly and without needless acrimony between the UK and Tanzania.</p> <p><br>[Handwritten] It would also underline your successful and credible 'new broom' approach and enable us to support and praise BAE for drawing a line under all this. </p> <p>With every good wish, </p> <p>Yours ever, </p> <p>Andrew Mitchell</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Letter-from-Secretary-of-State-to-BAE-Systems/ Andrew Mitchell Letter from Secretary of State to BAE Systems 03 July 2011 Department for International Development BAE Systems
<p class="date">15 June 2011</p> <p><strong>Andrew Mitchell's oral statement to the House of Commons in response to the Humanitarian Emergency Response Review (HERR), 15 June 2011.</strong> </p> <p>I should like to make a statement on the Government’s response, which I will publish in detail online later today, to the humanitarian and emergency response review carried out by Lord Ashdown of Norton-sub-Hamdon.</p> <p>The Ashdown report is a deeply impressive document. It makes a compelling, clear and powerful case for reform. The Government agree with and endorse the review’s central thesis and will accept the vast majority of its specific recommendations. Indeed, in many areas we will go beyond its specific recommendations in order to drive faster improvement in the international response to disasters. I am extremely grateful to Lord Ashdown and his team for the work they have done to produce such a compelling and well-argued review. His formidable insight and experience shine through it. I am also grateful to all those who have taken the time and trouble to respond to the consultation and whose experience has added to the quality of the recommendations.</p> <p>I pay tribute today to those Brits around the world who are working tirelessly in extreme circumstances to save lives during humanitarian crises. Their work, which is often unsung and undertaken at real personal risk, is truly heroic. I also pay tribute to the role of the British armed forces in responding to humanitarian emergencies. In Pakistan last year our armed forces provided swift and effective relief, flying in emergency bridges to reconnect families separated by the floods. In Haiti they brought life-saving equipment and supplies to those stricken by the earthquake.</p> <p>The report sets a challenging agenda for the 21st century. It recognises that, although disasters are nothing new, we are experiencing a sudden increase in their intensity and frequency. It makes it clear that this trend will only grow with climate change, population growth and greater urbanisation. The review concluded that the Department for International Development has played a strong role in improving the quality of the wider international response. It is an area where Britain is well respected and well regarded, but there is no room for complacency, which is why I commissioned the review and why the Government will take action to implement it.</p> <p>In the Government’s response to the review, I have set out how, in collaboration with others, we will rise to the challenges presented and how we will do even more to help people stricken by disasters and emergencies. There are some fundamental principles that will guide our response to humanitarian emergencies. First, we will continue to apply the core principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality to all Government humanitarian action. Secondly, we will respect, and promote respect for, international humanitarian law. Thirdly, and crucially, we will be motivated not by political, security or economic objectives, but by need and need alone.</p> <p>We will deliver humanitarian assistance in three main ways. We will provide predictable support for our multilateral humanitarian partners, including the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement and the United Nations. In humanitarian emergencies, where there is compelling and overwhelming need, we will provide additional resources to the international system, Governments, charities and non-governmental organisations. We will intervene directly where the UK can contribute in ways that others cannot or where there is substantial public interest in our doing so.</p> <p>Let me turn to the detail of our response. Lord Ashdown’s report identifies seven specific themes: resilience, anticipation, leadership, innovation, accountability, partnership and humanitarian space. I will address each in turn. It is not enough for us simply to pick up the pieces once a disaster has struck. We need to help vulnerable communities to prepare for disasters and to become more resilient. That is where we can have most impact and where we can prevent lives from being lost. More resilient communities and countries will also recover faster from disaster. I commit DFID therefore to build resilience into all its country programmes.</p> <p>We must anticipate and be prepared for disasters. We will work with Governments and the international system to become better at understanding where climate change, seismic activity, seasonal fluctuations and conflict will lead to humanitarian disasters. With others, we will set up a global risk register of those countries most at risk, so that the international effort can be more focused.</p> <p>The review calls for stronger leadership by the international community. We strongly agree that the United Nations must be central to this, and I am extremely pleased that, under the leadership of the emergency relief co-ordinator, Baroness Amos, the UN has already made that a priority. Britain will specifically back her agenda for change, but I accept that significant challenges remain. Members from all parts of the House need only look back to the Haiti earthquake or the Pakistan floods to see examples of the United Nations failing to deliver the leadership that was badly needed, so we will work with other donors for much needed reforms.</p> <p>The review highlights the role that innovation and science can play in every aspect of humanitarian response. We will establish an innovations team to embed humanitarian research and innovation in our core work.</p> <p>We must always be accountable for and transparent about how we spend our development budget. It is taxpayers’ money. That duty of accountability extends not only to British citizens and taxpayers, but to those who depend upon our aid. We will therefore make accountability central to our humanitarian work and do more to measure our own impact and that of our partners.</p> <p>Rarely is partnership more important than in the delivery of humanitarian aid. The strength and quality of that co-ordination can make the difference between life and death. We must therefore strive to develop stronger alliances, particularly with new donors, including the Gulf states, China and Brazil. We must improve the quality of our relationships with other key bilateral donors, making sure that our efforts are better co-ordinated and the burden of responsibility shared. I also want to involve fully charities, NGOs, faith groups, the diaspora and the private sector in our emergency response work.</p> <p>The review calls for the protection and expansion of humanitarian space, including for people brutally affected by armed conflict. That is crucial to our aim of protecting civilians in conflict situations. We must make a consolidated effort throughout the Government, using all diplomatic, legal, humanitarian and military tools, to secure unfettered and immediate access for humanitarian relief wherever we can.</p> <p>We recognise that to deliver this ambitious agenda, it is right that we change the way in which we fund the system, making it more effective and efficient, particularly in the first hours of an emergency. I have looked at the performance and efficiency that different humanitarian agencies offer. Many offer good value for money and have a sound track record in delivering results, saving lives and reducing suffering in some of the world’s most difficult places. Some, however, do not. I am therefore outlining today increased core support for the best performing humanitarian multilaterals. I have also commissioned detailed work to design a new facility that will enable prequalified charities and NGOs to respond to crises within the first 72 hours, and to design a new mechanism to support the strongest performing British charities to improve the timeliness and quality of responses to humanitarian causes. The Government will consult further on the details of those two instruments.</p> <p>This country is a world leader in responding to humanitarian emergencies. By implementing Lord Ashdown’s recommendations, and by working alongside new partners, the private sector and other countries’ Governments, we can be even better. I want this House and this country to be proud of our efforts, knowing that we in Britain will be there when the disaster strikes.</p> <p>Let me end with the words of a survivor of a cyclone in Haiti:</p> <p>"The water started to rise, and it did not stop...the water was already so high and strong that I could not hold on to one of my children and the water swept her away. Luckily someone was there to grab her."</p> <p>I commend this statement to the House.<br></p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Andrew-Mitchell-on-the-UKs-response-to-the-humanitarian-emergency-response-review/ Andrew Mitchell Andrew Mitchell: The humanitarian response review 15 June 2011 Department for International Development House of Commons
<p class="date">09 June 2011</p> <p>Thank you very much indeed Mr President and good afternoon.</p> <p>It is an honour to address this Assembly which, in 2001 and 2006, agreed that no one should go without HIV prevention, treatment, care and support - and set itself the ambitious goal of universal access.  The UK was proud to be in the forefront of this agenda then; and we are proud to be there again today. </p> <p>We have made great progress since those days. Who would have thought that over 5 million would now be on treatment? That new infections, in many parts of the world, would be levelling off?</p> <p>I would like to commend the Secretary General for his excellent report – summarising that progress – which forms the basis of this meeting. I thank the Ambassadors of Botswana and Australia for their hard work, in facilitating  the outcome document. And I wouldd also like to thank UNAIDS and its cosponsors for their continued leadership of the global HIV response. We see the UNAIDS Strategy as our guiding document as we enter the next phase of the HIV epidemic, and call on countries and on all parts of the UN system to deliver their responsibilities under it.</p> <p>But despite progress, it is clear we have a long way to go against an evolving epidemic. In some parts of the world, particularly parts of SubSaharan Africa, AIDS remains an over-riding emergency – particularly for women and particularly when combined with the TB epidemic. In all parts of the world, it is the vulnerable and the marginalised who are most at risk. This may be an adolescent girl unable to secure her sexual and reproductive health and rights and protect herself from infection.  Increasingly, as the epidemic develops, it is also men who have sex with men, people who inject drugs, sex workers, transgender people, prisoners and others on the margins of society – who cannot access the services they need because of stigma, discrimination or violence.  </p> <p>When we deal with HIV, we deal with issues that are difficult for many people – intimate issues of sex and drugs, involving our own personal ethics, religion or morality. The UK respects the right of sovereign states to make their own laws and of people to live according to their own cultural standards. But to make progress against this epidemic we must take a pragmatic, public-health orientated approach – based on what we know works in the world as it is – not as some think it ought to be or even, would like it to be. And we know that what works is to respect human rights and the human rights of these groups and enable them to access services. That is why the UK has pressed for the needs of these groups to be recognised and will continue to do so. We have also put women and girls, particularly vulnerable in this epidemic, at the front of everything we do.</p> <p>We also need to be innovative in our solutions as the epidemic changes. For many, HIV is now a chronic condition – which means a long term investment in care and support is what is needed including for carers. The UK is exploring innovative methods to provide this support, such as cash transfers and the UK has set out its continuing commitment to make progress against the challenges of HIV in a position paper, published last week. This summarises the HIV outcomes from a year of intensive review at DFID, the Department for International Development in the UK. This summarises the HIV outcomes from a year of intensive review at DFID.  </p> <p>Even in tough economic times, very tough economic conditions, the UK has stood by our commitment to spend 0.7% of Gross National Income on international development by 2013.  We are keen that our investments deliver not just for HIV – but for development in general. And in the current climate, I – like any politician – have to justify every single penny of our spending to the public in terms of the impact it has. I can certainly assure you every Friday evening I am given the fifth degree by my constituents who insist that I justify every single penny of that spend. That is why the UK Coalition Government has conducted a root and branch review of all its aid programmes to ensure what we spend makes a difference and we can show it.   </p> <p>That is also why, in the discussions leading up to this event, we have argued for an approach that is rooted in the evidence base and the need to deliver value for money.  </p> <p>The price of treatment has come down by 99 % in ten years. But it can, and it has to, come down further, especially second and third line treatment. I am delighted that the Clinton Health Access Initiative, with UK support, has managed to lower the cost of the drug Tenofovir. We calculate the benefits from our support alone equates to half a million people on treatment. We also continue to support the Medicines Patent Pool and strongly urge pharmaceutical companies to join.  Resources are key. The UK will do its bit, including through our 0.7 commitment and our increased support to the Global Fund. Others must follow.</p> <p>We are clear that prevention is the cornerstone of an effective and sustainable response. And we know a lot about what we need to do here. </p> <p>There is no reason for children to be born with HIV – as we know treatment for the prevention of mother to child transmission  works. There is equally no reason for injecting drug users to contract HIV – as we know that harm reduction works.  There is no reason for young people – especially girls – to contract HIV when we know comprehensive sexuality education works.</p> <p>But we still need to work on the evidence base - particularly for prevention.  </p> <p>Evidence based prevention remains at the heart of our response to HIV within the UK. As a result of sustained prevention over the last 25 years, the UK remains a low prevalence country through the use of condoms. Treatment has transformed the outlook for people with HIV and today many people are living near normal lives. It is increasingly clear that treatment has prevention benefits as well. But challenges remain including the need to diagnose early, deal with the challenges of ageing with HIV and reducing stigma. We need to guard against complacency. </p> <p>And we know that infection is influenced by a variety of social and behavioural factors and needs a combination, multi-sectoral response – but we need to get better at identifying exactly which prevention interventions work in which contexts. We need to better understand how we fight stigma and discrimination and change behaviour. And we need to continue the investment in research and development, to develop new products, such as microbicides and keep the hope of a breakthrough in vaccine research.</p> <p>This high level meeting is poised to sign off on an ambitious political declaration which takes us through to 2015. Negotiations were hard and we all had to compromise – but it has been worth it. The UK is pleased, in particular, with the following critical areas of agreement:</p> <ul> <li>A recommitment to universal access with agreement to a goal of 15 million people on treatment by 2015 and a recognition that prevention must be at the heart of the response.  </li> <li>Agreement that the key populations at higher risk of infection must be targeted if we are going to defeat this epidemic.</li> <li>A reassertion of the need to use TRIPS flexibilities for the benefit of public health</li> <li>And strong language around women and children, human rights, care and support and stigma and discrimination. And of course prevention as much as treatment.    </li> </ul> <p>Ladies and gentleman, we didn’t get there by 2010. But a world with zero new infections, zero AIDS deaths and zero stigma and discrimination is a world worth fighting for. Now more than ever, we must do all we can to make it a reality. The outcome document is a testament to the continuing high level political commitment and support from the international community to finish the job we started a decade ago. The three zeros are possible; we have the tools – we just need the leadership and the will to deliver and the UK as committed as ever to provide these and urge others to do this as well.</p> <p>Thank you Mr President.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Stephen-OBrien-at-the-UN-General-Assembly-High-Level-Meeting-on-AIDS/ Stephen O’Brien Stephen O’Brien: AIDS - towards zero infections 09 June 2011 Department for International Development unknown
<p class="date">09 June 2011</p> <h3>Results for Change: International Development Secretary Andrew Mitchell's speech at the Royal College of Pathologists, 8 June 2011. </h3> <p>Thank you Professor Furness.  I’m very grateful to you and to the Royal College of Pathologists for hosting this evening’s event. I've been hugely looking forward to delivering this speech and will extend time for questions. </p> <p>Elsewhere in this magnificent building is a room dedicated to Edward Jenner, a man who has arguably been responsible for saving more human lives than anyone else on the planet. And all because he helped to spearhead a vaccine against smallpox.  </p> <p>In a few days’ time countries – led by Britain and by our Prime Minister – will gather, along with charities and businesses, to pledge to vaccinate hundreds of millions of children across the poor world. The passion and commitment of Jenner lives on today in our determination to make deaths from preventable childhood illnesses a thing of the past.</p> <p>Ladies and Gentlemen, it’s now a little over twelve months since I took office as Secretary of State for International Development. It’s been a year of urgency, optimism and action. </p> <p>I was clear from the very outset that under my stewardship DFID would embrace a relentless focus on results.  I think that after 12 long months DFID officials will testify that I have been true to my word. </p> <p>This evening I want to set out our vision for international development and explain why I have insisted on this emphasis on results.  By spending time getting right the why, the what, the where and the how of development, I believe that the ensuing results have the capacity to add up to something far more significant – something that can transform communities, societies and economies. </p> <p>We see examples of this happening all over the world. They give us cause for hope and I will talk about some of them later on.  </p> <p><strong>Vision</strong></p> <p>Let me be clear: my vision is not about accountancy and bean-counting; it’s about changing the world.  It’s about being: </p> <ul> <li>smarter in how we spend money</li> <li>sharper in our focus</li> <li>tougher in our approach</li> <li>more inclusive in our partnerships.</li> </ul> <p>It’s a vision: </p> <ul> <li>that is rooted in evidence and evaluation</li> <li>that subjects DFID – and its partners –  to rigorous and ongoing scrutiny</li> <li>that ushers in a new culture of radical transparency. </li> </ul> <p>A vision that sees us focusing on results and – yes – going after the hard wins too. One that sees us working in the toughest places but always tailoring solutions to specific needs and contexts, something that we will be even better equipped to do with our strengthened in-country teams. </p> <p>Don’t be misled into thinking our focus on results means we’ll avoid doing the harder things just because they’re difficult to measure.  It doesn’t and we won’t. If it costs twice as much to educate a child in a conflict country as it does in a stable one, it's still good value. We will be guided by what we can achieve not just by how much it costs to achieve it. </p> <p><strong>Why, Where, What, How, Who</strong></p> <p>It’s because we’ve spent time getting the basics right that we’re able now to hone the results that will produce that change. So let me begin tonight by telling you where we’re up to with those basics, with the why, where, what, how and who of the past year.  </p> <p>So first, WHY is the Coalition Government so clear about the vital nature of what we’re doing in development? It’s because development is both morally right and in our national interest.  </p> <p>It is a stain on all our consciences that a girl born in South Sudan today is more likely to die having a baby than to complete primary school. When we know what life – and death – is like for over a billion people living on less than 80 pence a day, and we have the wherewithal to do something about it, then yes, I do believe we have a moral imperative to do so.</p> <p>But if the moral case were not enough we also know that whether you’re talking about tackling conflict, addressing climate change, building global economic stability or helping the most vulnerable populations, international development is one of the best means we have of protecting UK security and prosperity. It’s also one of the most cost-effective. As the Prime Minister said last month: </p> <p>“…these countries that are broken like Somalia, like Afghanistan – if we don’t invest in them before they get broken we end up with the problems; we end up paying the price of the terrorism, of the crime, of the mass migration, of the environmental devastation…. If we’d put a fraction of what we’re spending now in Afghanistan on military equipment into that country as aid and development when it had a chance perhaps of finding its own future, wouldn’t that have been a better decision?”</p> <p>So said our Prime Minister. They are my sentiments exactly. </p> <p>Turning to the WHERE.  The Bilateral and Multilateral Aid Reviews have been completed and their findings are being implemented. They have allowed Ministers to take a strategic, informed view about where to focus our efforts in order to achieve the greatest impact. And to recognise the relative success of many countries that are coming out of poverty themselves.</p> <p>So, over the next four years UK bilateral aid will be concentrated on 27 rather than 43 countries, amongst the poorest countries in the world, where the need is greatest. And whether we channel funds through multilateral agencies, or indeed through NGOs or others, we will expect the same rigour in results, transparency and value from them as we do from ourselves.</p> <p>We are withdrawing aid from those countries that have succeeded in pulling themselves out of poverty. And we will continue to take this approach, celebrating when countries make the transition to self-sufficiency and supporting them through this process. Aid is a means to an end not an end in itself. </p> <p>Britain will continue to be a beacon of support at times of humanitarian need – the floods, earthquakes and conflict-generated crises that plunge thousands into sudden need. But our response will now be informed by the review that Lord Ashdown led at my request earlier this year, allowing us to maintain our reputation as a world leader in times of disaster. </p> <p>So next, WHAT will we work on? UK aid will focus on those issues that can lead to the greatest transformation, whether it’s girls and women, conflict, wealth creation, climate change or innovation. </p> <p>And my litmus test for HOW we will work? In whatever way delivers the best results. </p> <p>This doesn’t just mean working with in-country governments, it means working with new partners, with foundations, citizens, the private sector, emerging powers - in short with anyone whose support complements our own efforts.  </p> <p>We have become much more joined up with the rest of Whitehall, a central player in policy decisions that affect poor countries, whether through the National Security Council, the International Climate Fund or in our close working with other Government departments.  </p> <p>We’ve taken the bold step of opening our actions up to external scrutiny, promising – and delivering – a radical new agenda of transparency and accountability, and I’m delighted to see the Chief Commissioner of the Independent Commission for Aid Impact here tonight.  </p> <p>We’ve made it easy for people to understand what we’re doing – publishing clear, simple data that’s easy to understand. Not only can the British taxpayer see what we are doing but so too can the people our aid programmes are intended to help.  Whether it’s a British person sitting in Manchester or a Kenyan sitting in Kisumu, any individual can hold us to account – and tell us if they think we’re getting it wrong. </p> <p>We want to build evaluation processes into our programmes from the outset so that we can learn which interventions work best. </p> <p>So, in summary, in just one year we’ve got the UK Aid Transparency Guarantee and the Independent Commission for Aid Impact up and running and we’ve started to embed evaluation throughout DFID’s work. That is no mean feat. </p> <p>We’ve taken a fresh look at our response to key challenges such as malaria and maternal health, publishing frameworks that shine a spotlight on what is needed and what works.   </p> <p>DFID country offices are now trying out innovative approaches such as cash-on-delivery aid, cash transfers and participatory budgeting that put more power and choice into the hands of local people and communities.   </p> <p>And, within DFID’s London office we’ve set up a new team and charged it with galvanising the entrepreneurial spirit of the private sector in the poorest countries. We are injecting private sector DNA into DFID’s bloodstream, promoting the dynamism and know-how that often exists in the private sector, marrying DFID’s traditional development expertise with business instinct to generate opportunity, jobs and prosperity.    </p> <p>CDC, the Government’s Development Finance Institution, has published a brand new business plan with an inspiring mission to be a pioneering investor in the poorest places of the world. </p> <p>Each of these reforms is necessary and important – and all have been achieved in just one year. </p> <p>And finally, WHOM will we help? The simple answer is that we will focus on the poorest and the most vulnerable. On women and girls, including those who, because of the conflict in which they live, lose out twice over. </p> <p>Taken together, these cornerstones – the why, where, what, how and who of our approach – will allow us to be smarter and more effective in spending taxpayers’ money. We know what we want to achieve, we will measure how well we’ve achieved it, and we will learn the lessons when we could have done better. </p> <p>Of course, I know there are some people here who say that my focus on results, transparency and accountability is turning development into a numbers game. </p> <p>They suggest that it will encourage us to indulge in a host of evils: to focus narrowly on the easy wins, to adopt ‘one-size-fits-all’ methodology, to take simplistic views of complex societies, and to mortgage long-term change for short-term gains. </p> <p>It is this critique that I want to address head-on tonight.  </p> <p>I put it to you that our focus on results will allow us to deliver the individual, incremental changes that will lead to deeper, more sustained change. Change that will transform whole countries - in our lifetime. We will address the difficult, thorny issues in development, not just pursue progress on the so-called ‘low hanging fruit’.   </p> <p>Our approach will be flexible and differentiated, recognising local realities and contexts. We will work to understand and go with the grain of change in complex societies, rather than attempting to impose rigid blueprints.  </p> <p>We will shine a spotlight on effectiveness and good governance and build up the democratic institutions which will ultimately allow countries to float free of development assistance. We will do what we can to address the structural inequalities that rob the poorest and most vulnerable of control in their lives and a say in their societies. And we will strive for long-term transformative impact, as well as concrete, observable improvements in human lives today. </p> <p>I do believe these aims are compatible with a results focus.  Indeed, they are part of it. Because it is through results that we will secure the underpinning to:  </p> <ul> <li>propel economic growth</li> <li>make governments accountable to their people</li> <li>put more power into the hands of girls and women</li> <li>promote peace and prosperity and</li> <li>address the challenges of climate change. </li> </ul> <p>These are the fundamentals of development and what we are working flat out to achieve. Let me try to illustrate this with real-life examples which give a flavour of the kind of things which can transform our world. I could give you examples on contraception, nutrition, low carbon technology and many more. But let me pick just four for now.  </p> <p><strong>Results for Change</strong></p> <p>1. Health</p> <p>I’ll start with health, an area where we’re going to see some particularly strong results.  </p> <p>The sad irony is that much of what needs to be done here is so straightforward.  </p> <p>Vaccinations, for example, are proof positive that well-spent aid transforms lives. When I visited a vaccinations clinic in Karachi last week the mothers’ faces told the whole story: their children, like ours, now have the opportunity to escape polio and other preventable diseases and pursue healthy, full lives.</p> <p>Next week, the UK will host the GAVI replenishment conference. With the right financial resources GAVI can vaccinate around a quarter of a billion children and save four million lives. </p> <p>Imagine that for a moment. A quarter of a billion children. We wouldn’t spend a second tolerating a single death from malaria or diarrhoea in this country. Why should we tolerate it elsewhere?  </p> <p>The UK will be making a strong commitment to the GAVI conference and I call on others here and now to do the same. </p> <p>It not only saves lives.  It reduces acute and long-term illness. It prevents decades of disability. I’m thinking here, for example, of the paralysis that so often blights the lives of polio sufferers or the deafness that can accompany pneumococcal infection. Immunisation is also cost-effective.   </p> <ul> <li>Families avoid the costs of hospitalisation</li> <li>Women are freed from long-term caring for the sick</li> <li>The crushing burden on doctors and nurses is reduced</li> <li>Resources are liberated to invest in clinics and drugs</li> <li>Healthier children are better nourished and educated, and so earn higher wages as adults.  </li> </ul> <p>There is another benefit too. Many poor people rarely see a health worker. A good immunisation programme draws people into contact with a professional. This professional can also distribute bednets, give Vitamin A supplements to children, advise on contraception, test for HIV, and schedule follow-up visits.    </p> <p>Of course, an essential part of getting this positive reinforcement off the ground is to ensure there’s actually a health professional to go to and that’s why a large part of our work is, and will continue to be, helping countries to develop their own healthcare systems in a way that suits their needs and contexts.   </p> <p>As in Odisha where DFID helped the Government of India to set up mobile health clinics, reform salaries and promotion systems and contract in private doctors. These relatively simple measures helped to reduce the number of vacancies for badly-needed rural doctors by 58% in the space of just one year.   </p> <p>So, you see what I am getting at. This simple result – one ordinary jab – can bring a host of other benefits, for the family, for the health system, for the economy. This is what economists call a multiplier effect. I call it a miracle. The miracle of a result changing our world.   </p> <p>2.  Education for Girls</p> <p>Next, I want to look at education.  </p> <p>Consider this simple fact: in some parts of Africa, half of all girls are married by the time they reach the age of 15.  </p> <p>Girls who marry at this age are more likely to drop out of school. They also put their health at risk. Compared with women in their twenties, mothers aged between ten and 14 are five times more likely to die from childbirth, while those between 15 and 19 are twice as likely. </p> <p>Conversely, when a girl receives seven or more years of education she typically marries four years later and has 2.2 fewer children.  </p> <p>But early marriage doesn’t have to be inevitable, as the results of a pilot project supported by the Nike Foundation in northern Ethiopia has shown.  </p> <p>That project helped a whole community to come together to explore the consequences of young marriage. </p> <p>And the result? Over the course of the 18 month pilot, not one of the 376 participating girls married. Instead, they stayed in school. British aid – working in partnership with the Nike Foundation – will now help 200,000 girls directly, and many more indirectly, to delay their marriages and to stay in school.  </p> <p>And over the next four years we’re going to get another two million children – half of them girls – into school in Ethiopia. </p> <p>The cost? Just £20 a head. And the facts? Equally compelling. One extra year’s schooling can increase a girl’s earnings by ten to 20%. Earnings that she will plough back in to the family unit, ensuring that her children have better, more nutritious food and are more likely to attend school themselves. </p> <p>In turn, this leads to better jobs, higher wages, increased taxes, more effective public services.  </p> <p>A truly virtuous cycle – what the Nike Foundation calls “The Girl Effect” – that drives and sustains deeper, transformative change. By preventing poverty from passing from one generation to the next, stopping poverty before it starts.   </p> <p>3. Wealth Creation</p> <p>Now, thirdly, we come to wealth creation. </p> <p>I could spend the whole evening giving you examples of the transformative impact of wealth creation but I’m going to focus on just one: EasyPaisa, the branchless banking service that’s bringing financial services within reach of some of the world’s poorest people in Pakistan.  </p> <p>EasyPaisa builds on the runaway success of M-PESA, a mobile phone-based system piloted in Kenya by DFID and Vodafone. </p> <p>And let me make something clear. I’ve seen the reports that imply that EasyPaisa is simply a convenience measure. That somehow we’re just making life a bit easier for the busy elite in Pakistan.   </p> <p>Nothing could be further from the truth. We’re talking about people who’re existing on 80 pence a day. Who don’t have any access to the most basic financial services. Who can’t open a bank account, who can’t insure against the risk of a bad crop or a sudden illness. Who can’t do any of the things that we do day in and day out and on which our very economy relies. </p> <p>In fact, right now, less than half of the adult population of Pakistan has access to a bank account. But in future, thanks to EasyPaisa up to 3 million more people – amongst the poorest people in the world – will be able to use their mobile phone to pay bills and transfer money to their families. As I witnessed in Karachi just ten days ago where I saw a young nurse using EasyPaisa to send £27 home to her dad. </p> <p>And as they become familiar with using the technology – and as the transferring banks become used to their new customers – they will be able to open savings accounts. They will be able to start and sustain small businesses, creating jobs, contributing to the local and national economy and stimulating that growth that helps pull the country and its people out of poverty.  </p> <p>The implications are enormous. If you’re a small-holder with no access to a reliable power supply, you can finally afford to make small payments on a solar panel. At last, you can cook more nutritious food. Your children have light to do their homework. They get better jobs as a result. </p> <p>By changing lives we can change the world.  </p> <p>4. Governance</p> <p>Finally, it’s sometimes said that a spotlight on results pushes governance and politics into the shadow. Nothing could be further from the truth: what is good governance if it is not ensuring that politicians and local officials are held accountable for delivering the results that people demand?   </p> <p>Healthier, wealthier and better-educated citizens can make all the difference if they know what is being delivered in their name. And as Nancy Birdsall of the Center for Global Development has argued, the incentive to produce monitored results may be exactly what politicians need to prioritise delivery, try out new approaches, and tackle bureaucratic constraints.   </p> <p>In Bangladesh, we are working with the government to open new and inexpensive channels for people to access their legal rights. This system has brought justice within the reach of poor people – the landless labourers, the slum dwellers, the very people who often need it the most.    </p> <p>68% of women surveyed said that there had been less violence and abuse within the home six months after mediation was complete. And just under £1.3 million worth of assets have been returned to poor people – most of them women. </p> <p>The balance of power will also shift, meaning that poor people are safe to accumulate wealth and live their lives free from violence. </p> <p><strong>Beyond aid</strong></p> <p>I’ve spoken this evening about how we’ve laid the foundations for a new results-based approach. And whether through the examples I have set out tonight, or the countless transformative results we achieve in all our areas of work – I hope I have illustrated why I believe that’s the right direction for us to take.  </p> <p>But there’s one other thing I want to touch on before ending. </p> <p>When I was appointed to this job a year ago, I said: “Promoting wealth creation and development around the world is about so much more than just giving aid. We will harness the full range of British government policies – including trade, conflict resolution and environmental protection – to contribute to our progressive vision of a more prosperous, sustainable and secure world.”</p> <p>One year on, I can point to a number of specific examples to show that this is exactly what the Coalition has done: </p> <ul> <li>Whether it’s the White Paper on trade that the Government published earlier this year, which has development concerns and arguments at its core</li> <li>Whether it’s the Strategic Defence and Security Review, which has made tackling the causes of conflict – which destroys the lives of poor people – an absolutely central plank of the Government's approach to the world, complementing the astounding work of our brave armed forces of which we are so proud</li> <li>Or whether it’s our action under Chris Huhne’s leadership, to drive forward climate negotiations and lock-in gains for the poorest countries. </li> </ul> <p>But we want to go further. </p> <p>Our ambition is to do much, much more than simply make Britain’s bilateral aid more effective – important though that is.  </p> <p>Our ambition is to do more, even, than to drive a fundamental reform of the whole global aid system. Not just holding others to account for the commitments they’ve made to the developing world and not just bringing in new donors – but making global aid radically more effective, transparent and responsive to the needs of poor people. </p> <p>Let me be crystal clear. Our ambition is to use every tool in the Government’s armoury to promote development. We are helping to build a new DFID, much closer to the centre of decision making, playing its full part within a joined-up Government – and in turn, shaping and influencing the whole of Government policy to be development-friendly. DFID as a grown-up Department of State for Development, not just a narrowly-focussed unit for administering aid well.</p> <p>I’ll be saying more about this later this year when I will set out more detail of that vision. </p> <p><strong>Conclusion</strong></p> <p>So, right now, my number one priority is for us to start delivering the results that will change the world.  </p> <p>Because as I have shown this evening, I believe results not only transform individual lives – as a cumulative force they transform societies. Those same results lie at the heart of our vision for international development and, in turn, at the heart of our response to national and to global challenges.   </p> <p>As those challenges have become more sharply defined over the last decade our expectations have increased. Yet, few of our aid instruments and approaches have been refreshed to meet those higher expectations. </p> <p>And that’s why I was determined that the changes I introduced at DFID would not be mere cosmetic adjustments but deep, structural reforms that would enable us to deliver what is needed over the next decade. </p> <p>The effect of some of these changes will not be felt overnight. It will take time for the full impact of transparency, the aid watchdog and our investment in rigorous evaluation to trickle through. But we will be in a much better place for it by 2015 or by 2020. </p> <p>DFID is not alone in embracing this vision. Sweden, the Gates Foundation and USAID are amongst those who share some of our thinking and are joining us on this journey. </p> <p>Indeed, I believe that scholars will look back at the changes that we and our colleagues are making and see them as the start of a new paradigm across the development community. A paradigm: </p> <ul> <li>that focuses with laser-like intensity on results</li> <li>that places evidence above ideology </li> <li>that welcomes external scrutiny, embraces radical transparency, opens its doors to fresh ideas and to new partnerships </li> <li>a paradigm that injects the dynamism of the private sector into its DNA</li> <li>that acts as a critical friend to its partners </li> <li>that directs aid on the basis of performance </li> </ul> <p>A paradigm in short, that we can hand to the next generation. A proud and enduring legacy.  </p> <p>Like my friend, Bill Gates, I’m an impatient optimist. I’m restless. I want to use this brilliant machine – the sheer power of Britain’s development efforts – to change the world. I want to use other parts of Whitehall to help us do that. This is why I have an obsession with results. I want to achieve more every day. I want to encourage our international partners to do the same. So that development as a whole is more effective because of UK leadership. Like the Prime Minister I think that Britain does stand for something in the world. </p> <p>And as the Deputy Prime Minister has said:</p> <p>“Let future generations look back and say that they inherited a better world because – at this critical moment, at this difficult moment – we did not shrink from our responsibilities.”  </p> <p>Ladies and Gentlemen, this is the most exciting time to be working in development in the UK. Our results agenda will take development up a gear. Our credible leadership on the international stage will be a beacon to others. And our new culture of radical transparency will allow the world to judge us by our actions rather than our words.   </p> <p>As Disraeli, whose picture hangs in my ministerial office, once said we are not creatures of circumstance, we are its creators. We must all be ready to take up that challenge. </p> <p>Thank you. </p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Andrew-Mitchell-on-Results-for-Change/ Andrew Mitchell Andrew Mitchell: Results for change 09 June 2011 Department for International Development Royal College of Pathologists, 8 June 2011
<p class="date">07 June 2011</p> <p>The Secretary of State for International Development (Mr. Andrew Mitchell): </p> <p>In October 2010 I informed the House of the Government’s decision to reconfigure CDC in order radically to increase its development impact.</p> <p>In my previous statement I set out the objectives of this reform and announced a public consultation, as well as the commissioning of a number of independent studies.  The results of that consultation and the four studies have been published on the DFID website. The International Development Committee of this House has since conducted an inquiry into the future of CDC.  Its report was published on 3 March 2011, and the Government’s response was given on 4 May.</p> <p>I can now inform the House that the Government and the CDC Board have agreed a new High Level Business Plan, published during the Whitsun recess on 31 May, which sets out how CDC will carry through the reforms I proposed last October.</p> <p>CDC will be more focused on the poor than any other Development Finance Institution, building further on its strong concentration on the poorer countries in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa.  In future, all CDC’s new investment commitments will be for the benefit of these two regions, where over 70% of the world’s poorest people live.  In India, CDC will move to a concentration on the 8 poorest Indian States. </p> <p>CDC will not invest in regions or sectors which are already well-served by private investors, such as large-scale mining in many countries. Otherwise, it will be responsible for selecting, on the basis of the strongest anticipated development outcomes, investments from across a wide range of sectors. </p> <p>CDC will aim to reduce the proportion of its portfolio held in other countries outside the new focus regions over time to 15-20 % by 2015.  It will not invest in the better-off developing countries, unless for the benefit of poorer countries in the relevant region. </p> <p>There will be a new performance framework for CDC, focused on development impact rather than CDC’s own profitability.  It will be a development-maximising, not a profit-maximising, enterprise.  CDC will measure the impact of its investments on generation of incomes and tax revenues, broader private sector development, mobilising private capital, and improving socially and environmentally responsible management in beneficiary companies.  Stretching targets will be set for these indicators for CDC to meet and they will be reviewed annually. </p> <p>CDC will become bolder and more pioneering in its approach to innovation and risk: being more creative and accepting higher financial risks where these are justified by greater development benefits.  It will reach the parts that other emerging market investors too often don’t.  But it will still ensure that it remains sufficiently profitable to offset the cost of the taxpayers’ money invested in it, as defined by Her Majesty’s Treasury.  Whilst development impact will be the driver, CDC will also look to build the companies in which it invests into commercially sustainable enterprises. </p> <p>CDC will no longer exclusively operate indirectly, through private equity funds managed by others, but will work through a wider range of intermediaries - and importantly build up its own direct investments.   It will do this gradually and initially only through co-financing with other lead investors, as it redevelops its capacity to seek out and manage direct investments.  Likewise, it will offer lending as well as equity financing, with the aim of increasing the share of loan instruments in its portfolio. </p> <p>CDC will continue to make new commitments to private equity fund managers, and to support and develop suitable local investment management firms, but with the aim of reducing the fund of funds share of its assets to some 60% by 2015.  In running down this part of its portfolio, the realisation of full value for money for the taxpayer will remain the primary consideration. </p> <p>The Remuneration Framework agreed for CDC by the previous government, which aimed to align CDC remuneration with Private Equity Fund of Funds firms in the City of London, has led to inflated remuneration.  A study by independent consultants has indicated that in comparison with other publicly owned development finance institutions, and with private foundations doing similar work, CDC remuneration has risen far above the median levels elsewhere. </p> <p>We must bring pay and bonuses down to a level that is fair and appropriate, but not excessive, for a publicly owned body whose very purpose is to reduce poverty. The CDC Board will take immediate action to cut bonus levels by 50% for this year.  Once a new CDC Chief Executive is in place, the government will agree with CDC's Board how to restructure pay to attract, motivate and retain people with the attitude and skills necessary to take part in this exciting new phase of CDC's existence.   The new remuneration framework will prioritise development results rather than profitability and any performance-related pay will be largely deferred and based on long-term performance. </p> <p>In response to the public consultation on CDC, CDC will publish a new disclosure policy aimed at making its work as transparent as possible.  While observing the constraints of commercial confidentiality and the Data Protection Act, CDC will publish more information on the businesses using its capital, the funds investing it, and the economic impact of investments; and on CDC’s remuneration and operating costs.  More of CDC’s evaluations will be conducted independently, going beyond the current 50%; and as much evaluation material as possible will be published that does not jeopardise commercial confidentiality.  CDC’s Investment Policy, agreed with DFID, will also be published. </p> <p>CDC will update its Investment Code to reflect the latest international standards and best practice and will continue to ensure, by means of independent external audit, that its compliance and implementation is properly monitored.</p> <p>CDC has strengthened its policy on taxation: where it is within CDC's discretion as originating or sole investor, CDC will not make new investments in or through harmful tax regimes, or regimes which do not comply with international tax transparency and exchange of information standards (as defined by the OECD and Global Forum on Transparency and Exchange of Information for Tax Purposes).  Where CDC does not have such discretion, CDC will make a judgment on the merits of the proposed new investment against the nature of the tax regime - and be transparent about that judgment.  CDC will also be transparent in its dealings from a tax perspective. Information will be published on taxes paid within CDC's portfolio and, if specific information cannot be published, CDC will explain why. </p> <p>DFID will work more closely with CDC, both at country level and at the centre. CDC’s business plan will be reviewed annually and CDC will report annually to the Secretary of State on achievement against its targets, which we will publish. </p> <p>The Board of CDC has responded willingly and constructively to the recent scrutiny of its work and to the changes that the Government has proposed.  There is now the opportunity to strengthen CDC’s role as a leading instrument in the UK’s policy for accelerating poverty reduction in the poorer countries through enterprise and economic growth.<br></p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Written-statement-to-the-House-of-Commons-on-reform-of-CDC-Group-plc/ Andrew Mitchell Andrew Mitchell on the reform of CDC Group plc 07 June 2011 Department for International Development House of Commons
<p class="date">12 April 2011</p> <h3>International Development Minister Stephen O’Brien’s speech to the National Federation of Women's Institutes – Women Reaching Women Conference, Tuesday 12 April 2011</h3> <p>At a recent debate in the House of Commons to celebrate the centenary of <a href="/Media-Room/Features/2011/International-Womens-Day-2011/">International Women’s Day</a>, I was delighted to celebrate the great strides which have been made in the recognition and promotion of women’s rights over the last one hundred years.  </p> <p>Yet despite these advances we are still faced with enormous challenges. Every year over a third of a million women die from avoidable deaths in pregnancy and childbirth.  Globally, 10 million more girls are out of school than boys.  And as we face new and increasing challenges of climate change and the global financial crisis, it is girls and women in the poorest countries who are hit the hardest.  </p> <p>Girls and women continue to bear the disproportionate burden of global poverty. Yet evidence shows us that investing in girls and women makes sound economic sense and is critical to achieving the MDGs. Better educated women earn more, have lower fertility rates and healthier children - benefiting girls and women themselves, their families, communities and economies. </p> <p>We must seize each and every opportunity as it arises.  New opportunities such as the innovative use of mobile phones and the internet are now playing an important role in enabling girls and women to do business more efficiently, get the skills and information they need and hold decision makers to account.  </p> <p>The creation of UN Women is an important step in enabling the international system to deliver for girls and women.  At the launch of UN Women on 24 February, the UK Government welcomed the agency and set out its high hopes for this new body.  We are already providing transitional support to make sure it gets off to the strongest possible start. </p> <p>We are all part of the global Big Society and it is as much in our interests as it is our moral duty to get involved in tackling the tremendous challenges which face girls and women in developing countries.   I’m delighted that so many of you are doing this through participating in the Women Reaching Women project. </p> <p>I know that many of you, in partnership with Oxfam and the Everyone Foundation, have been involved in developing learning resources and leading or taking part in training days. Crucially, you have also been learning what actions you can take to contribute to improving the lives of some of the world’s poorest women, and sharing this knowledge with your communities.  </p> <p>My Department has put girls and women at the front and centre of all of our business. On International Women’s Day last month we launched a new Strategic Vision for Girls and Women to drive forward action that will bring transformational changes to the lives of girls and women in the poorest countries.  We’ve identified four areas where we want to see dramatic changes.  We are committed to: </p> <ul> <li>Delaying first pregnancy and supporting safe child birth, </li> <li>Getting girls through primary and secondary school, </li> <li>Getting economic assets directly to girls and women, and  </li> <li>Preventing violence against girls and women.   </li> </ul> <p>In all of our work, we are giving new priority to adolescent girls.  We know that if girls have choice and control over decisions during adolescence, their life chances improve – they are better able to delay pregnancy and marriage, complete school and gain life skills.  This creates  a virtuous circle that helps to prevent the transmission of poverty from one generation to the next, driving lasting change within societies. </p> <p>Tackling violence against girls and women is a top priority for us and for the whole of Whitehall. Here in DFID, we have produced a strategy for tackling this issue at home and abroad.  Meanwhile, the Prime Minister has appointed Lynne Featherstone as the Government’s Ministerial Champion for Tackling Violence Against Girls and Women Overseas – an indication of our commitment at the highest levels to tackle this abhorrent human rights abuse.  </p> <p>Our strategic vision also highlights our commitment to delay first pregnancy and support safe child birth.  I am pleased to receive copies of your Mum’s Matter campaign petition. You can be sure of the coalition government commitment to improve maternal health. We are determined to tackle the scandal of women dying in childbirth. </p> <p>In December last year, following the Millennium Development Goals Review Summit, we launched, a Framework for Results for improving reproductive, maternal and newborn health, called “Choices for women; Planned Pregnancies, Safe Births and Healthy Newborns”. </p> <p>The framework sets out how we will:</p> <ul> <li>save the lives of at least 50,000 women during pregnancy and childbirth and 250,000 newborn babies by 2015</li> <li>enable at least 10 million more women to use modern methods of family planning by 2015, including up to 1 million young women</li> <li>prevent more than 5 million unintended pregnancies</li> <li>support at least 2 million safe deliveries, ensuring long lasting improvements in quality maternity services, particularly for the poorest 40%.</li> </ul> <p>We recognise that to achieve these results we also need to increase the power of girls and women to make informed choices and control the decisions that affect them. We need laws that protect their rights, and we need to increase the value given to girls and women by society and by the boys and men around them.  For example, in Uganda our support to the Centre for Domestic Violence Prevention has resulted in 1000 men joining together to prevent domestic violence through forming action groups to promote girls’ and women’s rights.  </p> <p>We also need to work directly with girls and women to understand the difficulties they face.  DFID is working with the Nike Foundation, through an innovative partnership called the Girl Hub, to provide adolescent girls with a means to communicate what matters to them and to support decision makers and donors to do more for girls and to do it better.  </p> <p> In Rwanda, Nigeria and Ethiopia, the Girl Hub has undertaken research to learn more about girls' ambition and the realities of their lives.  This research is helping the Girl Hub in Ethiopia to work with the BBC World Service Trust to bring girls' stories to audiences across the country, and to build a national conversation about the issues faced by girls.<br>My Department will also work with all UK-funded multilateral organisations to step up progress for girls and women. And we will keep a close eye on the implementation of the European Union commitments on gender equality and women's empowerment in development. <br>How will we know when we’ve succeeded?  We will know we have succeeded when girls are routinely going to secondary school in the countries we’re supporting.  When maternal mortality rates and the age at which adolescent girls and women first give birth are falling. When girls and women have access to economic assets, including land, and are able to make productive use of them.  When fewer women suffer violence.  And, most importantly, when women and girls themselves tell us that their lives have improved.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Women-Reaching-Women-Conference/ Stephen O’Brien Women Reaching Women Conference 12 April 2011 Department for International Development National Federation of Women's Institutes – Women Reaching Women Conference
<p class="date">22 March 2011</p> <h3>International Development Minister Stephen O’Brien’s speech to the All Party Parliamentary Group on Global Tuberculosis meeting on TB and HIV in Africa, Tuesday 22 March 2011</h3> <p>I would like to thank the APPG for organising this event and for their review, which the Government welcomes.</p> <p>I think it makes a compelling case for action. We need to make still greater progress against HIV and TB co-infection - and the double cruelty it can represent.</p> <p>Every year there are 9 million new cases of TB, including one million cases amongst people living with HIV.  Alarmingly, we are seeing half a million cases of multi-drug resistant TB.  And every year there are nearly 2 million deaths.  <br>Likewise, AIDS is one of the leading causes of death of women of reproductive age globally and there are still more than 7,400 new infections every day. 10 million people are not getting the treatment they need.  Only 140,000 TB patients living with HIV received ART in 2009.</p> <p>We have made progress on both these fronts.    Incidence of TB has been declining slowly since a peak in 2004, and there is an 86% treatment success rate when the WHO recommended approach is used.  HIV infection rates are also levelling off globally, with over 5 million people now accessing AIDS treatment, which is a 10-fold increase over five years.  </p> <p>Front line challenges for tackling TB include drug resistance and the need for more research and better drugs and diagnostics.  On the HIV side, we need to scale up successes in prevention and find sustainable ways meet the need for treatment, care and support in an accessible and affordable way.  </p> <p>These challenges are compounded by co-infection.  Tuberculosis is the leading cause of death among HIV infected people.  In 2009, cases of co-infection accounted for 23% of all TB deaths and 22% of all deaths among people living with HIV.  Nelson Mandela made it clear back in 2004: “We can’t fight HIV unless we do much more to fight TB.”</p> <p>As is so often the case, people in Africa bear the brunt of both diseases, as is also too often the case, a double dose of stigma and discrimination as well, which in turn inhibits people getting tested and seeking help.  But both TB and HIV are global problems, and both disproportionately affect the most vulnerable and marginalised of society.  For example, TB amongst injecting drug users, or prisoners, in the concentrated HIV epidemics is of particular concern.  <br>That is the problem.   What are we going to do about it?</p> <p>I am proud to serve in a Coalition Government that, even in tough times, has protected the aid budget and the pledge to reach the target of 0.7% of Gross National Income spent on development.  I’m also proud to serve in a Parliament where we have cross-party consensus that this is the right thing to do.  Our Secretary of State has said we will not balance the budget on the backs of the worlds poorest.  That includes those living with HIV and TB.  </p> <p>We are equally clear about the responsibility that comes with these resources, the responsibility to spend taxpayers’ money well; to deliver aid that is accounted for transparently; to ensure our support delivers value for money and gets where it is most needed.  </p> <p>That is why on 1 March we published ‘UK Aid – Changing Lives, Delivering Results’- setting out the results of our Multilateral and Bilateral Aid Reviews, which we commissioned immediately after we took office.   </p> <p>This document builds on our commitment to put the health of women and girls front and centre of our development effort – and, specifically, to scale up improvements in the areas of reproductive, maternal and newborn health and malaria.  The results we will deliver in these two areas are set out in two Frameworks for Results, published in December. </p> <p>The results as summarised in ‘UK Aid – Changing Lives, Delivering Results’ are necessarily high-level.  The detail will follow as DFID country offices develop their operational plans for taking results forward.   We have also committed to set out our objectives on HIV and TB by May.   </p> <p>But I can tell you today we remain committed to the global goal of halving deaths from TB by 2015 through delivery of the revised Global Plan to Stop TB.  And to the goal, which was reiterated at Muskoka, to come as close as possible to universal access to HIV prevention, AIDS treatment care and support. </p> <p>To address TB- HIV co-infection, I think we need to drive forward progress in three areas:</p> <p>The first is to increase access to and use of effective diagnosis and treatment of TB, including TB-HIV co-infection.  DFID will do this through our bilateral and multilateral support, as well as through our investment in research and product development into more effective treatment and vaccines.</p> <p>DFID invested £10.7 million on TB-related research through our bilateral research programme alone in 2009/10.  UK government research support includes a focus on developing drugs and vaccines for HIV and AIDS, TB and malaria and other diseases that most affect poor people. </p> <p>We support TB research through multilateral and bilateral research programmes – for instance the Tropical Disease Research special programme to gain better evidence about how to best combine therapy for HIV and TB co-infection, which is receiving £14 million UK government funding for 2008-13.   The government is also providing £20.5 million for 2008-13 to the Global Alliance for TB Drug Development, which has the largest single portfolio of potential TB compounds ever assembled, with two drugs in late stage clinical development.  </p> <p>The TB Alliance is developing new drugs which can be used by people who are also infected with HIV with minimal drug-drug interaction for people and who are on anti-retroviral treatment.  The Alliance is also developing novel methods to test combinations of new TB drugs, rather than testing each drug individually.  They have identified a few regimens that are better than standard therapy and should be active in treating drug resistant TB.  </p> <p>The first clinical trial to test multiple new TB drugs was launched in November 2010 and the preliminary results are expected later this year.  They offer promise in treating both drug-sensitive and drug-resistant TB, potentially making scale-up of Multi-Drug Resistant treatment worldwide much cheaper and easier than anything available to date.   </p> <p>A new, improved TB vaccine is an essential part of the global strategy to curb the epidemic of TB and TB/HIV co-infection and disease.   DFID is supporting Aeras and its partners (with £10.5m for 2009-2014) to test vaccines to see if they are safe and effective in preventing TB in HIV positive people.  </p> <p>So I’m delighted that this year’s World TB Day focuses on innovation in research and delivery.  This Government is committed to finding innovative solutions to challenges in development, including harnessing the creative energy of the private sector.  </p> <p>Secondly, we need to support health systems, including in particular, the integration of HIV and TB services.  Coordination between the services for the two diseases is improving, but much remains to be done.  Improvements in prevention and treatment of HIV and AIDS will benefit TB control. We will continue to focus on both HIV and TB, and on strengthening the underlying health systems in order to improve the way health services diagnose and treat illnesses, including TB and TB-HIV.   </p> <p>Strengthening health systems in DFID partner countries helps to support and deliver TB programmes by building the long term capacity across health services in partner countries to enable them to identify and address TB, especially in poor areas.  We do this through supporting national health plans directly or through support to multilateral organisations such as the World Bank. </p> <p>Finally we need to address the underlying poverty and social drivers that put people at risk of infection and once infected of becoming sick: poor housing, poor working conditions, drug use and poor nutrition.  Integration of nutritional support with HIV services is also essential.  We also need to address the factors that make people, and women in particular, vulnerable to HIV, including harmful gender norms and gender based violence.   </p> <p>We are already contributing to this agenda in a number of countries.   <br>For example, DFID is working with the Government of South Africa to expand the quality and access of public sector services including tuberculosis control, and increasing the speed with which new ART/-TB drugs get registered as they become available elsewhere. In South Africa, reducing the levels of HIV and improving the quality and reach of public health services are key objectives of DFID support. They are central to reducing the burden of TB in the country<br>Our support for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria will also be important to reaching a range of countries most in need.  </p> <p>In the Multilateral Aid Review, the Global Fund was assessed as providing very good value for money for UK Aid. Our future funding will still be conditional; we want to see evidence of progress against a suite of reforms designed to improve the way the Fund does business and maximise its impact, and we want to see these reforms implemented with pace and urgency.  The UK will also encourage other partners to meet their commitments to the Fund.</p> <p>The UK government has made a 20-year commitment to UNITAID of up to €60 million per year. UNITAID aims to triple access to rapid test for multi-drug resistant TB and reduce the price of drug resistant TB medicines by twenty-five percent.</p> <p>I see our partnership with civil society as the final piece of the jigsaw.  The commitment of people in this room to keeping both HIV and TB high on the international agenda is invaluable.  It would be all to easy to say that the progress we have made is the best that can be achieved; that it is time to turn to other priorities.   Instead, in partnership, let us finish what we have begun.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/TB-and-HIV-in-Africa/ Stephen O’Brien TB and HIV in Africa 22 March 2011 Department for International Development All Party Parliamentary Group on Global Tuberculosis meeting on TB and HIV
<p class="date">01 March 2011</p> <p>Mr Speaker, with permission I should like to make a statement about the Government’s Bilateral and Multilateral Aid Reviews, which are published today. </p> <p>The Coalition Government’s decision to increase the UK’s aid budget to 0.7% of national income from 2013 reflects the values we hold as a nation.  It is also firmly in Britain’s national interest. But this decision imposes on us a double duty to spend this money well. </p> <p>On my first day in office I took immediate steps to make our aid as focussed and effective as possible.   I commissioned reviews of DFID’s bilateral programmes in developing countries, and of the UK’s aid funding to international organisations.   These Reviews have been thorough, rigorous, evidence-based, and scrutinised by independent development experts.  They will fundamentally change the way aid is allocated.</p> <p>Recent events in North Africa and the wider Middle East have demonstrated why it is critical that the UK increases its focus on helping countries to build open and responsive political systems, tackle the root causes of fragility and empower citizens to hold their governments to account. It is the best investment we can make to avoid violence and protect the poorest and most vulnerable in society.  </p> <h3>Bilateral Aid Review</h3> <p>The Bilateral Aid Review considered where and how we should spend UK aid. Each DFID country team was asked to develop a ‘results offer’ setting out what they could achieve for poor people over the next 4 years. Each offer was underpinned by evidence, analysis of value for money and a focus on girls and women.  The results offers were scrutinised by over 100 internal technical reviewers and a panel of independent experts. Ministers then considered the whole picture deciding which results should be prioritised in each country.  Consultation with civil society and other Government Departments was undertaken throughout.  </p> <p>As a result of the Bilateral Aid Review:</p> <p>We will dramatically increase our focus on tackling ill health and killer diseases in poor countries, with a particular effort on immunisation, malaria, maternal and newborn health, extending choice to women and girls over when and whether they have children; and polio eradication. </p> <p>We will do more to tackle malnutrition which stunts children’s development and destroys their life chances; and do more to get children – particularly girls – into school. </p> <p>We will put wealth-creation at the heart of our efforts, with far more emphasis on giving poor people property rights and encouraging investment and trade in the poorest countries.</p> <p>We will deal with the root causes of conflict and help to build more stable societies, as people who live amidst violence have no chance of lifting themselves out of poverty.</p> <p>And we will help the poorest who will be hit first and hardest by the effects of climate change - floods, drought and extreme weather.</p> <p>As a result of the Review we have decided to focus UK aid more tightly on the countries where the UK is well placed to have a significant long-term impact on poverty.</p> <p>By 2016 DFID will have closed significant bilateral programmes in 16 countries. This will be a phased process honouring our existing commitments and exiting responsibly. The countries are: </p> <p>China, Russia, Vietnam, Cambodia, Moldova, Bosnia, Cameroon, Lesotho, Niger, Kosovo, Angola, Burundi, the Gambia, Indonesia, Iraq and Serbia.</p> <p>This will allow us to focus our bilateral resources in the following 27 countries:</p> <p>Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Burma, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Ghana, India, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan, Liberia, Malawi, Mozambique, Nepal, Nigeria, Occupied Palestinian Territories, Pakistan, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Tajikistan, Tanzania, Uganda, Yemen, Zambia and Zimbabwe.</p> <p>Together, these countries account for three quarters of global maternal mortality, nearly three quarters of global malaria deaths and almost two thirds of children out of school.</p> <p>Many of them are affected by fragility and conflict so we will meet the commitment made through the Strategic Defence and Security Review to spend 30% of UK aid to support fragile and conflict-affected states and to help some of the poorest countries in the world address the root causes of their problems. </p> <p>We will also have three regional programmes in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean, and an ongoing aid relationship with 3 aid dependent Overseas Territories namely St Helena, the Pitcairn Islands and Montserrat.  </p> <h3>Multilateral Aid Review</h3> <p>The Multilateral Aid Review took a hard look at the value for money offered by 43 international funds and organisations through which the UK spends aid. </p> <p>The Review considered how effective each organisation was at tackling poverty. It provided a detailed evidence base upon which Ministers can take decisions about where to increase funding, where to press for reforms and improvements, and in some cases where to withdraw taxpayer funding altogether.  </p> <p>The 43 multilateral agencies have fallen into four broad categories.</p> <p>First, I am delighted to tell the House that nine organisations have been assessed as providing very good value for the British taxpayer. These include UNICEF, The Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation - GAVI, the Private Infrastructure Development Group, and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. We will increase funding to these organisations, because they have a proven track record of delivering excellent results for poor people. </p> <p>But of course there is always room for improvement and we will still require strong commitments to continued reform and even better performance.</p> <p>Funding for the next group of agencies – those rated as good or adequate value for money, such as the United Nations Development Programme and the World Health Organisation - will be accompanied by specific pressure from the UK for a series of reforms and improvements we expect to see in the coming years.     </p> <p>We are placing four organisations in “special measures” and demanding they improve their performance as a matter of urgency. These organisations are UNESCO, the Food and Agriculture Organisation, the development programmes of the Commonwealth Secretariat and the International Organisation for Migration. These organisations offer poor value for money for UK aid but have a potentially critical niche development or humanitarian role which is not well covered elsewhere in the international system or contribute to broader UK Government objectives. We expect to see serious reforms and improvements in performance. We will take stock within two years and DFID's core funding may be ceased if improvements are not made.    </p> <p>The Review found that four agencies performed poorly or failed to demonstrate relevance to Britain’s development objectives.  The Review therefore concluded that it is no longer acceptable for taxpayers’ money from my Department to continue to fund them centrally.  So I can tell the House today that the British Government will withdraw its membership of the United Nations Industrial Development Organisation, and that DFID will stop voluntary core funding to UN HABITAT, the International Labour Organisation and the UN International Strategy for Disaster Reduction. This will allow over £50m of aid money, to be redirected immediately to better-performing agencies. </p> <p>We are working closely with other countries to build a coalition for ambitious reform and improvement of all the multilateral agencies. </p> <h3>Conclusion</h3> <p>As a result of these Reviews, over the next 4 years, UK aid will:</p> <ul> <li>secure schooling for 11 million children – more than we educate throughout the UK but at 2.5% of the cost</li> <li>vaccinate more children against preventable diseases than there are people in the whole of England</li> <li>provide access to safe drinking water and improved sanitation to more people than there are in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland combined</li> <li>save the lives of 50,000 women in pregnancy and childbirth</li> <li>stop 250,000 newborn babies dying needlessly</li> <li>support 13 countries to hold freer and fairer elections </li> <li>help 10 million women get access to modern family planning</li> </ul> <p>I believe that these results – which will transform the lives of millions of people across the world – will make everyone in this House and this country proud.  They reflect our values as a nation: generosity, compassion and humanity.   But these results are not only delivered from the British people; they are also for the British people.  They contribute to building a safer, more stable and prosperous world which, in turn, helps keep our country safe from instability, infectious disease and organised crime.  </p> <p>Aid can perform miracles but it must be well spent and properly targeted. The UK’s development programme has now been reshaped and refocused so that it can meet that challenge.</p> <p>I commend this statement to the House.<br></p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/BAR-MAR-oral-statement/ unknown Statement by the Secretary of State for International Development: the Bilateral and Multilateral Aid Reviews 01 March 2011 Department for International Development House of Commons
<p class="date">16 February 2011</p> <p>Ladies and gentleman. Your Excellencies. Fellow colleagues [from the House of Commons and Lords].</p> <p>It is a pleasure to be with you this evening and learn about WWF's work. As my colleague [the Right Honourable] Malcolm Bruce [is aware] [has mentioned], the Department for International Development  is a "WWF supporter", one of the many across the world.</p> <p>So it's been a wonderful opportunity to hear from David Nussbaum, Denise Hamu from Brazil and Jo Fox about what Brazil has been doing to promote the sustainable management of forests in partnership with WWF, Sky and other partners, like HSBC. </p> <p>This has given us a taste – with a Brazilian Amazon flavour -  of what can be done in reality on the ground to protect and manage forests for the benefit of poor people.</p> <p>It seems that success needs us to take two approaches. </p> <p>The first focuses on the underlying causes that drive illegal logging and illegal conversion of forests to other uses –  with "legality" based on the sovereignty of each forest nation. </p> <p>The second, is to strengthen the positive and direct market incentives for people who depend upon and manage natural resources so they can improve their lives. </p> <p>Brazil is in the vanguard on both. </p> <p>On the first, tackling the underlying causes of illegal logging and deforestation.</p> <p>Brazil has assigned clear responsibilities amongst different agencies and levels of government -Federal, State, Municipal - for forests, for enforcement of forest laws and for monitoring their compliance, including, as we have heard, in the State of Acre. </p> <p>Acre's "System for Incentives for Environmental Services" - the SISA law - came into force last October. It lays out clearly what new institutions  will be required for regulating, rewarding and monitoring  enterprises that sustainably manage forests  -with the water, carbon and biodiversity services that forests provide. </p> <p>However, to implement this system <u>effective</u> institutions will be key. This means insitutions with technical capacity, but <u>also</u> which involve private sector and forest-dependent people in some way. </p> <p>And for a system of incentives like this to <u>benefit</u> poor people, clarity on who has exclusive rights over which natural resources will also be important. </p> <p>People that depend on forests  for rubber or asai fruit or fish often find their livelihoods are at risk because production of commodities like soya bean, palm oil and beef drive deforestation.</p> <p>However, Brazil has taken great strides in tackling this problem and is rolling out its forest monitoring and transparency system, which in turn should ensure that poor people living in and around forests are not deprived of their livelihoods.</p> <p>I am happy that DFID's support to WWF has contributed to work in this area.</p> <p>On the second approach, bringing people to markets and markets to people. </p> <p>This can be tricky for poor people living in remote forest areas far from market centres. </p> <p>But by helping rubber tree tappers improve their practices and make better quality sheets suitable for local shoe sole manufacturing, the WWF partnership has helped Amazonian peoples regenerate their livelihoods. </p> <p>Markets <u>are</u> changing – locally and globally. Buyers markets in particular. Consumers in Europe and elsewhere wish to know that the products they purchase comply with sound  business practice and are from sustainable and legal sources. </p> <p>The new European Illegal Timber Regulation that recently came into force in December is a case in point. It makes first sale in the EU of timber that has been illegally harvested elsewhere, an offence. This will give consumers confidence that the tropical wood they buy is not from dodgy sources.  </p> <p>Making life better for the poor people who live in and around forests – 1.2 billion of them – is about <u>more</u> than development policy. It is also about trade and market incentives whether for rubber, timber or carbon.</p> <p>So - congratulations to WWF, its partners and supporters in UK.</p> <p>It has been a wonderful evening of lessons from the Amazon - a "Brazilian cocktail" of experience.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/WWF-50th-Anniversary-Viva-Amazonia/ Stephen O'Brien WWF 50th Anniversary: Viva Amazonia 16 February 2011 Department for International Development WWF 50th Anniversary 'Viva Amazonia' event at Portcullis House
<p class="date">15 February 2011</p> <p>Good afternoon. </p> <p>It's a great pleasure to speak here today at the Royal Institute of International Affairs, an organisation that has long been at the forefront of informed global debate. And a particular pleasure to come to Chatham House, formerly home to two previous Prime Ministers, one none other than William Pitt the Elder.</p> <p>Pitt was no stranger to change – so it's appropriate that it's here in his old home that I explain why I believe this is a time of great change for international development – of change and of potential. A seminal moment when our generations can reach out across the world. When the UK can help to broker an age of cooperation where countries unite in new alliances to tackle shared challenges. </p> <p>A moment when we can begin to build a different style of international development. One that is based not on rigid structures but on dynamic partnerships which reflect the networked world in which we now live. I believe the UK has a major role to play in ushering in this new era. Indeed, given our very public commitment to poverty alleviation, I suggest that people across the world rightly look to us to be at the forefront of that change.</p> <p>I don't make this assertion from any misplaced belief that the UK has some unique right to lead. No, my argument is that, having demonstrated our development credentials, having built and supported many of the alliances that were so important in the past, we now have a responsibility to help and shape the relationships that will be important in the future.</p> <p>So today, I want to suggest how we might go about advancing that goal. I will:</p> <ul> <li>Examine how the world has changed over the last twenty years. How we've moved from the old bipolar axis to a place where emerging economies are becoming ever more influential</li> <li>Suggest how we might work with these new powers in tackling poverty amongst their own people</li> <li>Explore how together we can create the partnerships that will allow us to help reduce poverty in the poorest countries faster than ever before</li> <li>I'll argue that we can use those same relationships to tackle some of the biggest issues affecting today’s world </li> <li>I'll propose some basic principles that will define our new partnerships and; </li> <li>Finally, I'll set out how we will take this vision from theory to reality.</li> </ul> <p><strong>Changing World</strong></p> <p>I am not the first - and I won't be the last - to say that in the space of a few short decades the world has become a different place. A new order of power has asserted itself or – for the historians amongst you - re-asserted itself. Broadsheet headlines proclaim the rise of the BRICS, the Asian Dragons, the Tiger economies, the Gulf Giants. Indeed, it has been said that the growth of these economies is as significant for Africa as the fall of the Berlin Wall was for Europe twenty years ago.</p> <p>The statistics bear out the rhetoric. China is now the second largest economy in the world, with some predicting that it will overtake the US by 2027.</p> <p>As the economic stock of these countries grows, so too does their political power and their ability to influence world affairs. As the Foreign Secretary has said, politics today are shaped not by the old players and their cosy clubs but by the many informal and non-traditional groupings that have emerged.</p> <p>Anyone who thinks otherwise need only look to the G20 - or the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change - or the Doha trade round. Not only have the rules of the game changed, but so too have the players.</p> <p>And of course, these changes are reflected in the way we do business in government. You can't shake just one bit of the kaleidoscope and expect everything else to stay the same. The Trade White Paper, published last week, explicitly refers to the need to engage emerging economies. So too does the National Security Strategy.</p> <p>For international development these changes mean a picture that has become more complex and more crowded. Historically, the global debate on poverty was dominated by the rich, OECD donors. Today, it's an issue that's often championed by emerging powers.</p> <p>Take China. According to the Financial Times, China's Development Bank and its Export-Import Bank committed more loans to developing countries over the last two years than the World Bank. Or Saudi Arabia – the second largest bilateral donor to Pakistan in the aftermath of last year's floods. </p> <p>There's a similar trend at the global level where emerging powers are now indispensable players on the big issues, including trade, conflict, climate change and financial stability. </p> <p>The development community has also changed. What was once a small elite, where like talked to like, has become a truly global conversation, involving: faith groups, companies, local NGOs and community leaders.</p> <p>Chinese investors, Brazilian social entrepreneurs and Indian bloggers now rival Oxford and Oxfam in setting the development agenda.</p> <p>Faced with such an array of talent, we have an unparalleled opportunity to seek out new partnerships, to create dynamic new alliances, both formal and informal. This is a completely changed landscape in which to galvanise our efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals and to drive yet harder the eradication of global poverty.</p> <p>Now, there are some who feel distrust, even trepidation at the prospect of working with new partners, arguing that we risk diluting the core principles of democracy, human rights, accountability and transparency. I disagree. Let me be clear. We will always stand up for human rights and for these fundamental values. But that doesn't mean we shouldn't put our global heads together, work for development and where we agree, cooperate.</p> <p>In summary, I believe that the fact that the world is changing is a cause for immense celebration not regret. For the first time in recent history more countries than ever are seeking solutions to the most pressing questions of our age. This is an incredibly exciting time, a time when we can marshal that collective energy and – together – begin to change history.</p> <p><strong>Working in Emerging Powers to Achieve Development Outcomes</strong></p> <p>This is also the perfect time for us here in the UK to reconfigure our development efforts. We have nearly completed the root and branch review that I commissioned on taking office, and we will be announcing the results at the end of this month. So we start with a clean sheet of paper. One of the themes of our new narrative will be a relentless focus on results. We owe that to the hard-pressed British taxpayer - and to the people for whom our aid is intended. Our energies and resources will therefore be concentrated where we believe we can make the greatest impact for the world's poorest people.</p> <p>So, where it's appropriate, we'll change the way we work with countries as they make the transition to economic stability. Next month, for example,  DFID's aid to China will be finally wound down. China is a country that over the past 25 years has achieved growth that has been truly staggering.  The richer world has been right to support China – indeed, it has been one of the main beneficiaries of China's success. But after several decades of dramatic progress we must now focus our efforts elsewhere.</p> <p>Now, we should never be tempted into assuming that emerging powers share a common economic history. Each has achieved growth in different ways, some, in part, through deregulation, or a freer market economy or stronger governance. They have mixed the growth cocktail in a way that worked for them. But, crucially, having achieved growth and having succeeded in bringing so many of their people out of poverty they are well-placed to share their experience with those countries that are still developing.</p> <p>Of course, we can't ignore the fact that many of these emerging powers, despite recent growth, still contain significant levels of extreme poverty themselves. In many of these countries we will remain partners in poverty reduction, recognising that our mandate is to create opportunity for the world’s poorest people.</p> <p>The nature of these partnerships, however, will change. Relationships will become less rigid and more equal. We will focus on what works –and we will be creative about how we achieve it. Aid will be but one of our tools. We will trade in ideas and in expertise too, and we will broker political support and create coalitions to tackle specific issues.</p> <p>Nowhere will our partnership be more multi-dimensional than India, as the Prime Minister's extremely successful visit there last year made clear. The world's largest democracy and one of the world's great civilisations, India is now at the top table in world affairs. Its views carry an enormous amount of weight on issues such as climate change, trade and better governance in international institutions. This reflects the changes in India over the last decade: growth lifting people out of poverty and generating the resources to pay for some of the world's largest and most successful anti-poverty programmes, like the primary education scheme that has got 60 million children into school since 2003.</p> <p>Some people - in both the UK and India – have been asking whether the time has come to end British aid to India. In my view, we are not there yet. The whole rationale for my Department is, eventually, to work ourselves out of a job. But having discussed this with the Government of India, I believe that, for the next few years, it is in both India's interest and in Britain's interest for us to continue our highly successful collaboration on development, not least so we can support the Government of India’s own successful programmes in the poorest priority areas.</p> <p>The pace of India's transformation to date is remarkable. But India's poorest states – each of them larger than most African countries – still face huge development challenges. More than half of girls in Madhya Pradesh don't yet go to secondary school; more than half of the young children in Bihar are undernourished.</p> <p>India values our support. And my department's work in India is some of the most effective I've ever seen. I saw for myself the difference our support can make – helping India's poorest states to improve their schools and clinics, upgrade their slums, and get electricity to their villages.  And helping particularly vulnerable groups – like the remarkable group of Dalit women I met in the village of Kothri in Madhya Pradesh, who had recently banded together to stand up against caste discrimination.</p> <p>I am convinced that India's economic transformation means that we need to transform our development relationship too. We need to bring our development partnership up-to-date, reflecting the huge changes India has seen in the last decade. We are discussing this with the Government of India and I envisage a new approach – one focussed much more tightly on India's poorest states and poorest people. We will help these States to unlock more funds from the private sector and reinforce the impact of India's own programmes. Our goal will be to help the poorest women and girls get quality schooling, healthcare, nutrition and jobs as the key to breaking the cycle of poverty for the next generation.</p> <p>India commands respect around the world for the impact of its economic reforms. But India's private sector miracle has not yet reached some of its poorest areas.  Over the next few years we want to help unlock the potential of the private sector to deliver jobs, products, infrastructure and basic services in areas which desperately need them. We have already been supporting poor women to get access to loans – women like Omvati Bai, whom I met last year in the slums of Bhopal. Her life was transformed by a loan of £70, which helped her set up a flourishing fruit and vegetable stall. Before the loan she was worried about feeding her children; now she can send them to school as well. But I think we need a much bigger vision of how we can work with India to support this kind of wealth creation and entrepreneurship; and I want to see a serious and steadily-increasing proportion of our aid used to support entrepreneurs willing to take the risk of starting and scaling-up private investment. We want to work in close partnership with the Government of India on how best to achieve this. </p> <p>The next few years will see further transition.  With all the countries I have mentioned today, our aspiration over time is to transition from aid-based development relationships into meaningful and mutual partnerships for global development.</p> <p><strong>Working with Emerging Powers to Achieve Development Outcomes</strong></p> <p>If the first dimension of our changing relationship is about working with emerging powers to tackle their own poverty, the next is to work with them to reduce poverty in other developing countries.</p> <p>We will approach this not with any preconceived notions of superiority but with due humility. It took Britain more than 150 years to reduce poverty by 50 per cent. China cut the proportion of its people living below the poverty line from 84 per cent to 16 per cent in just 25 years. South Korea has gone from aid recipient to OECD donor in one generation. The Gulf states have been providing 1 per cent of GNI as aid for decades, with little, if any, public recognition from the West. There is no monopoly on success, neither is there any blueprint. Every country has its own experience. What unites them is the fact that they have introduced policies that generated growth and poverty reduction and then used the proceeds of that growth to drive social progress.</p> <p>By sharing those experiences and by learning from the innovation that newer economies have pioneered, we can achieve life-changing results. Take social protection, where for example, great strides have been made by Brazil, Mexico and Chile. The Bolsa Familia programme in Brazil now covers around a quarter of the entire population and has contributed to lifting some 20 million people out of poverty. Building on their success we are now working with Brazil to share expertise with Kenya - one of a number of African countries which is establishing its own programme.</p> <p>India again, has been equally creative in piloting a publicly-funded insurance scheme that allows patients to access healthcare at any accredited health centre. Its near neighbours are now showing a real interest in adopting this model. Just pause for a moment to consider the impact that could  be made by sharing these ideas with countries in Africa, Asia and other places where endemic poverty still exists. Or what we  might achieve by pooling our respective skills, policy experience and resources. Let me give you just a few examples of what is already happening.</p> <p>Together with India, the UK is working with the Clinton Foundation to help local businesses to improve the availability of low cost, high quality drugs for AIDS and malaria across the developing world and particularly in Africa. Last year, this initiative helped to improve the lives of more than two and a half million people.</p> <p>DFID is seconding a member of staff to the Islamic Development Bank to work on results and aid effectiveness. The Bank has an annual spend of around 7.5 billion dollars.</p> <p>In DRC, China and the UK are supporting a vast road-building scheme. China is the biggest investor in the physical infrastructure, while DFID's funding is not just building roads but is also helping the government of DRC to introduce important social and environmental  safeguards. Three countries – one very successful outcome. Comparative advantage at its best.</p> <p><strong>Working with Emerging Powers to achieve Global Outcomes</strong></p> <p>But the trajectory doesn't stop there. If we can make these sort of gains by working in partnership in emerging and developing countries, then imagine what can be achieved by taking this approach to a global level. This, I believe, is the logical conclusion, the answer to many of the problems that we have struggled with for so long. The really big strategic issues that don't readily lend themselves to single country solutions. Because the truth is that there are few, if any, big development challenges that we can hope to tackle without the help of new partners. Polio will never be eradicated without Nigeria's support. Food security will remain an aspiration without India's  buy-in. We'll never solve climate change without China.</p> <p>But it really doesn't take a huge leap of imagination to see how we could achieve these strategic goals. Countries like Brazil, India, China, the Gulf States are already making very significant contributions.</p> <p>On conflict, Brazil leads the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti. South Africa has been central to the peacekeeping effort in DRC. Qatar has played a key role in opening channels of communication between the government of Yemen and the Houthi rebels in the North.</p> <p>On wealth creation, South Africa is playing a key role in championing intra-Africa investment for the North-South transport corridor, a project that the UK is supporting financially and technically. China is building infrastructure in Asia and Africa. The impact of these emerging powers opening their markets to goods from poor countries will have a transformational effect on entrepreneurs in Asia and Africa.</p> <p>And there's a huge amount of activity on climate change. India and the UK are jointly funding research into solar energy technology. South Africa is hosting the next United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Conference later this year. China plans to implement one hundred new clean-energy projects across Africa. Korea is hosting a Green Growth Institute to support the development of a low-carbon economy for the world. Brazil is a world leader in forestation and climate-resilient agriculture. If this is the sort of work that's already happening, how much greater the impact if we were able to harness that drive and energy coherently in a new peer partnership?</p> <p>These emerging powers, Ladies and Gentlemen, are natural allies in pressing for long overdue reform of international institutions. The five BRICS will have a seat on the UN Security Council this year as Brazil, India and South Africa join China and Russia. This should be just the beginning. We want to see a range of institutions whose membership and ways of working reflect the world in which we live today not the world that we lived in fifty years ago. They should be fair, transparent and accountable. We need them just as we need our existing bilateral relationships. Our new partnerships will complement existing arrangements not replace them. So, in future, meetings with the Swedes and the World Bank, for instance, are now likely to include Brazil, South Korea and South Africa too. It's through these grittier, more inclusive alliances that we will build the consensus the world so badly needs.</p> <p><strong>A Partnership Contract</strong></p> <p>So, what might these partnerships look like? What are, the rules, if you like, of engagement?</p> <p>First and foremost, our partnerships will be based on mutual respect and added value. What matters will be the experience and expertise that colleagues can bring to the table. However, I'm not too shy to say that working with the UK on development should be an attractive proposition. Why? Because we're one of the world's most important centres of innovation, creativity and scientific discovery. Because we respect country priorities. Because our government is one of the most open and accountable – and is taking transparency to a new level in everything we do. Because we are members of the Security Council, the G8, the G20, the EU and the Commonwealth, as well as having seats on many governing bodies and executive boards of development agencies. Because we are known and respected for our very public commitment to international development – including keeping our promise to spend 0.7 per cent Gross National Income as aid from 2013  - to be enshrined in legislation. Because of all these things and more, I believe the UK is a natural partner, a development hub in the global network.</p> <p>In return, we will seek a shared commitment to the Millennium Development Goals. We remain 100 per cent committed to our core values. And we expect the same of others. I'm not just referring to emerging powers, here. I'm referring to some of those donors who have talked the talk when it suited them but have proved themselves somewhat reluctant to walk the walk once out of the media spotlight.</p> <p>Trust and respect are qualities that will be writ large in our new partnerships. As I've said, there are so many areas where we have worked successfully with emerging partners. We will combine our talents, whether money or skills or ideas – a human jigsaw of different but complementary pieces.</p> <p>Yes, there will be occasions on which we will disagree. What partnership doesn't? And where those disagreements challenge core British values we won't compromise our beliefs. For as the Foreign Secretary has said "it is not in our character as a nation to have a foreign policy without a conscience." He described that foreign policy as one that "seeks to inspire others with our values of political freedom and economic liberalism, that is resolute in its support for those around the world who are striving to free themselves through their own efforts from poverty or political fetters." So, when we are faced with human rights abuses or with public uprisings such as we saw recently in the Middle East, we will hold fast to those values.</p> <p>But in cases where our disagreement is rooted in detail rather than fundamental values we will be pragmatic - a peaceful and prosperous world is in all of our interests.  Rather than turn our back and walk away we must be prepared to face these challenges head-on and to find a way of dealing with them.</p> <p>And to those who are waiting for me to address the issue of raw materials in Africa, I say that engagement is surely sensible and logical. When we work with people, we promote openness and, in a modern world, we all learn very quickly that everyone benefits from transparency and accountability.</p> <p><strong>Looking Ahead: How will we Take this New Agenda Forward?</strong></p> <p>How then, do we turn the theory of closer partnership into reality? First, we're matching our words with some internal changes. In future, there will be a dedicated team responsible for ensuring that my department, together with colleagues in the Foreign Office and other government departments, works much more closely with the emerging powers on development. The new team will coordinate DFID's input into the G20 but it will also draw together our work with China, Brazil, India and others on the key global challenges that I have outlined today. I expect the most senior members of staff across my department to contribute to the work of this team so that it is, from the outset, a quintessential part of the department's DNA. I want this team to be pioneers of reform, charting new territory and with a mandate to take bold decisions.</p> <p>Secondly, we will harness our new relationships to achieve results on the ground. </p> <ul> <li>We'll work with the G20 to ensure that Africa and the Least Developed Countries gain more from trade</li> <li>We'll host with the OECD, a conference of Arab donors this summer, to agree how to improve the results and impact of our collective aid resources</li> <li>We'll ensure that the innovation of the private sector, whether here in Britain or in emerging powers, is used to help reduce poverty </li> <li>We'll invest in the agriculture that will help end famine and in the green growth that will leapfrog a generation in the creation of clean energy</li> <li>And we'll cement relationships with think tanks, academics and NGOs in the emerging powers; and</li> <li>We will launch an advocacy fund later this year to help the very poorest developing countries participate in international negotiations on trade and climate change.</li> </ul> <p>Thirdly, we will continue to make the case for reform of international institutions, a cause which Britain is proud to champion. We stand for governance that is fair and inclusive, in which everyone has a voice. It is these principles that have defined us as a nation and it is these principles that should define us as a world. </p> <p>Fourthly, we will extend our reach across government in Britain. The fact that DFID has a seat on the National Security Council means that it is hard-wired into the Whitehall architecture. We will work with colleagues in the Foreign Office, in the Ministry of Defence, in the Department of Energy and Climate Change and with an array of other partners to make sure that our new alliances are truly diverse and representative of all our interests.</p> <p>Ladies and Gentlemen, in conclusion, I believe that these new partnerships that I have described today can drive a change throughout DFID and throughout Whitehall. They will be about commitments, not committees; about what is working on the ground, not who is in a working group; about delivery not doctrine. Because the defining characteristic of these emerging partners is that they're not just talking about changing our world, they're actually doing it. I want Britain to be part of that change, to be a beacon of influence for rich and poor alike.</p> <p>By working together, by pooling our respective strengths and experience, we can do more to reduce poverty in the world in the next 50 years than we have in the past 500 years.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Emerging-powers/ Andrew Mitchell Emerging powers 15 February 2011 Department for International Development Emerging Powers and the International Development Agenda at Chatham House
<p class="date">09 February 2011</p> <p>Ladies and gentlemen – it is a pleasure to contribute to today's Dialogue on Forests, Governance and Climate Change. From Dr Arvind Khare's summary, it sounds as if it was a lively debate. </p> <p>Before I add a few words of my own, I wish to reiterate the warm welcome extended this morning by my colleague, Greg Barker, Minister of State in the UK's Department of Energy and Climate Change. I know that many of you have travelled very great distances to be here, and I am grateful for all of the effort that has gone into making the Dialogue a success.</p> <p>Today's Dialogue comes at a key time with the launch last week by Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon of the International Year of "Forests for People". This year, of all years, will give us the opportunity to demonstrate how forests matter – domestically and internationally. </p> <p>The discussions today and the new report launched by the Rights and Resources Initiative, are yet further evidence of the importance of forests – not just to the people who live in and around them – but to all of us.</p> <p>Arvind's summary points to (a) the need to focus on what is really happening on the ground and base our decision on that reality; (b) that forest governance is key, and (c) we need to fill some of these gaps before the next climate meeting in Durban.</p> <p>The Dialogue sets us two challenges as we move into 2011. </p> <p>First, can we find new ways to reconcile the many competing demands on forests – for wood, for food, for fuel, as well as for biodiversity and reduced emissions from deforestation.  </p> <p>And second, as forests and forest land increase in value, how to ensure that poor, forest-dependent indigenous and local communities are not at risk of losing out?</p> <p>Communities successfully manage forests in many places. In Guatemala, as the Director General Juan Manuel Torres Rojo of Mexico is aware, the Peten is the largest area of sustainably certified tropical forests managed by communities in the world. They - the Peten-dwellers - have clear rights over valuable forest resources – wood, ornamental leaves, fruits, gums – and they trade these with international business partners. Because the forest has a daily value, the communities also protect the forest's biodiversity from fire, illegal logging and deforestation. </p> <p>And they protect the carbon it stores, with management practices that are preserving the forest's potential to absorb more carbon from the atmosphere. </p> <p>The Peten-dwellers form part of a huge "corridor" of forest communities stretching from Central America down to the Amazon, who have organised together to take advantage of the benefits forests can provide, including from the scheme for Reduced Emissions from Degradation and Deforestation – REDD+</p> <p>But protecting forests where rights over resources are insecure or unclear is a risky business.  </p> <p>I come from a private sector background my self, and was in the manufacturing industry before becoming a politician. I was born in Tanzania and raised in Kenya so I know that clear property rights provide certainty for enterprises and poor communities in developing countries. This is important when it comes to accessing finance or making investments that generate returns over the long run – and forests will generate significant returns if they are well managed and under secure tenure.</p> <p>The Dialogue today has covered important issues about risks. I would like to focus our attention jointly on tackling the underlying causes of risk.  That way we can sustain progress. </p> <p>There are three key areas on which we need jointly to focus our attention.</p> <p>One is improving the way forests are governed, to bring greater opportunities for those that depend on forest resources for a living. </p> <p>For example, in Nepal 40% of households are members of well organised forest user groups and, as a result, have increased their incomes by over 50% over the past 5 years. </p> <p>The UK has supported this effort. Sustained commitment over two decades by the Government of Nepal and the user groups has also been critical to success.</p> <p>The second area of focus must be legal systems: it is only when forest laws are coherent, clear and publicly disclosed that they can be understood by all. But they will only be complied with, if all stakeholders understand what laws mean for them.  </p> <p>If compliance with forest laws is independently monitored, with mechanisms for resolving disputes, this creates conditions that are good not just for forest communities, but also for business. </p> <p>In Indonesia the UK is supporting independent forest monitoring or "legality assurance" by civil society as well as government. </p> <p>If the laws that regulate the use and clearance of forests are not clear, then it is difficult to establish projects or enterprises to sell forest carbon, timber or tourism. This constrains livelihood opportunities. It leads to illegal logging and forest clearance. It means governments, local as well as national, lose out on revenues and taxes from legal forest enterprises. </p> <p>A recent report by Chatham House shows that as illegal logging reduced $6.5 billion tax revenue was saved in countries with cash-strapped exchequers where forest governance has improved. Reduced illegal logging has also reduced greenhouse carbon emissions.</p> <p>The UK has been in the vanguard of efforts to build forest governance. We are working in Ghana, Liberia, Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo and Indonesia to help them strengthen their forest governance. We are looking to expand our support further.</p> <p>This is because improving forest governance is a cost effective way of cutting greenhouse gases. At a cost of £2 or less per tonne of carbon, it is one of the cheapest methods. Forest governance will be the keystone to delivering all kinds of benefits from forests – including, as my colleague Greg Barker from DECC indicated this morning, successful reductions in emissions from deforestation and degradation.</p> <p>This brings me to the third area where we all need urgently to be focusing attention – trade.  In 2011 progress on forest issues will not just be about development policy or about forest nations it will also, crucially, be about trade. Consumers will play a role. Buyers' markets are changing and demanding standards. They wish to be confident that the products they buy are legal; that they are not produced using dodgy and damaging practices; that they do not undermine the rights and livelihoods of indigenous and local communities; and that they are sustainable and do not drive deforestation. </p> <p>To this end, the UK is working, not just with the timber trade, but also international companies investing in paper, palm oil, soy, beef and leather, to review the business practices that drive deforestation. </p> <p>The new European Illegal Timber Regulation that recently came into force in December makes first sale in the EU of timber that has been illegally harvested elsewhere, an offence. </p> <p>The UK is supporting Indonesia to develop a Timber Legality Assurance System –TLAS – that will reduce the risks that any timber it exports is illegal. The palm oil sector is looking at what lessons it can apply from this approach.</p> <p>By tackling underlying causes we "safeguard" the livelihoods of local communities who depend on forests for their food, fodder, fuel, wood and medicines. </p> <p>We also ensure that investments, domestic as much as foreign, whether in agriculture or forest conservation or REDD+, are based on the principles and standards of sound business. </p> <p>Not  risky business.</p> <p>We are far from the forests here. Dialogue brings those of us with a stake in forests together, to freely exchange views and information, and build understanding across different parties.  </p> <p>Today's event is part of an ongoing Dialogue that will allow us to focus on all the areas which require urgent attention, if we are to protect the world’s forests and improve the livelihoods of communities that rely on forests. </p> <p>I'll end here, and thank you all again for your contributions. I'm looking forward to a successful 2011 – the International Year of Forests for People – something this Dialogue has been all about.</p> <p>Thank you.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Dialogue-on-Forests-Governance-and-Climate/ Stephen O'Brien Dialogue on Forests, Governance and Climate 09 February 2011 Department for International Development 9th Rights and Resources Initiative Dialogue on Forests, Governance and Climate change
<p class="date">27 January 2011</p> <p>Ladies and gentlemen - it is a pleasure to make some opening remarks at the launch of the Forest Footprint Disclosure Review of 2010.</p> <p>Let me start by giving some context for today’s discussion.</p> <p>Forests are fundamental for the jobs, incomes and livelihoods of 90% of the one and a half billion people who live in extreme poverty around the world. </p> <p>About 17% of all carbon emissions are caused by deforestation in the tropics and subtropics – more than from the whole of the global transport sector. </p> <p>In the past 50 years, the world has lost a third of its tropical forests, and continues to lose some 13 million hectares each year - an area larger than Switzerland, the Netherlands and Denmark combined.</p> <p>I used to live and work in places like Tanzania and Indonesia and have seen the damage at first hand.</p> <p>And we know that the pressure on forests worldwide is not lessening, it’s actually increasing. </p> <p>The challenge we face today is to find new ways to reconcile the competing demands for wood, for food, for fuel, as well as for biodiversity conservation and reduced emissions from deforestation.</p> <p>Crucially what can we do to prevent the global demand for cheaper food and fuel from driving unsustainable agricultural expansion?</p> <p>What role can investors and the private sector play? </p> <p>What role can we play, as consumers, in reducing the demand for goods which rely on deforestation for their production?</p> <p>And what is my department also doing to help make a difference directly on the ground in developing countries?</p> <p>As we go forward, there are, I believe, four key areas on which we need jointly to focus our attention.</p> <p>First, we need more secure rights governing who can control, use and benefit from forests.<br>Unclear rights are bad for business and, when this leads to forest clearance, bad for the local communities who depend on forests. It is also bad for global climate change. </p> <p>Civil society groups in Indonesia, for example, have demanded a halt to all new palm oil plantation deals until their forest land rights are protected in legislation. </p> <p>The Government of Indonesia has recently placed a moratorium on further conversion of peat forest to palm oil as part of its efforts to reduce its carbon emissions from deforestation and help tackle climate change.</p> <p>We, governments and private sector, can work with local communities to help them get back control of their livelihoods and improve their access to markets, while making strides in investment and in contributing to the broader good. <br>For example, the UK is supporting the international Rights and Resources Initiative (RRI) which seeks to advance regulatory reforms in the forest sector. </p> <p>Second, protecting forests is actually hardest where governance is weak.</p> <p>That is why we are building the capacity of producer countries to formulate and enforce better laws and regulations – this will help protect forests and also create a better climate for investment and sound business practice.  </p> <p>Only one percent of tropical forests in Africa, Asia, Latin America and Oceania have been certified as sustainably managed since the early 1990s.  Most of the 320 million hectares of the world’s forests that have been certified are in Europe and North America.</p> <p>So clearly we also need to take that certification process a lot further.</p> <p>UK is supporting producer countries like Ghana, Liberia, Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Indonesia through the Forest Law Enforcement Governance and Trade programme (FLEGT) to develop better regulation and law enforcement of their forest and natural resource sectors. </p> <p>For example, helping them put in place “chain-of-custody” systems that trace timber as it is transported from forest to port. This reduces opportunities for trafficking. It builds transparent and accountable government by shedding light on who cuts forests and how forest revenues are collected and used. It provides evidence on whether timber is from legal sources - an essential first step to achieving sustainable management of forests. </p> <p>A report last year by Chatham House showed that every £1 we are investing in tackling illegal logging results in £6 of additional revenue that can be used for the public good by countries with cash-strapped exchequers.  </p> <p>And improving the way forests are governed also results in reduced carbon emissions and helps fight climate change. The same report mentions reductions in deforestation and degradation that avoid 14.6 billion tonnes of carbon emissions - that is two and a half times the UK emissions over the same 10 year period.</p> <p>Emerging economies are also taking action. Brazil reduced its rate of deforestation in 2009/10 compared with the year before. It brought more of its Amazon area under clearer jurisdiction, in particular for traditional communities living directly from forest resources. It monitors the use of its forests. Furthermore, the City and State of São Paulo have, like the UK, established procurement policy which favours certified timber products. </p> <p>UK is looking at expanding its support to countries beyond law enforcement and governance on timber to other commodities that drive deforestation. For example, we are supporting Indonesia in reviewing the laws it has for governing its palm oil sector. This means developing laws, policies and incentives that are less bureaucratic and facilitate market access for businesses, smallholder producers and workers. That help businesses meet sustainable and legal standards - standards for safer working, based on more sustainable ways of farming, on clearly titled land.</p> <p>This brings me on to the third area I wish to highlight.  The buyers’ market in the UK and Europe, and elsewhere, is also changing. </p> <p>New regulation at home will reduce the risks for consumers, as well as for buyers.  UK is one of the world’s biggest importers of tropical timber, for example. The European “Illegal” Timber Regulation (ITR) came into force last December. This will make first sale in the EU of timber and wood products that have been illegally logged, an offence. </p> <p>Similarly last April the USA amended its Lacey Act, making it unlawful to import plants and a range of wood and plant products illegally obtained in the country of origin. Japan, China and Australia are considering similar action.  </p> <p>This kind of risk-based regulation provides some guarantee to consumers. It will inspire them with greater confidence that the wood products they purchase are sustainable and legal. </p> <p>The fourth area where we need to focus attention, is due diligence in the private sector.</p> <p>I will be interested to hear today how businesses are becoming more informed and discerning about their impact on forests, and what actions they have taken over the past year to reduce their forest footprint. </p> <p>Improved due diligence for forestry investments by banks such as JP Morgan Chase, Citigroup and Bank of America has already had a significant influence on investment in the pulp and paper sector in Asia through tighter lending conditions that are based on the sustainability of supply chains.</p> <p>Marks and Spencer launched its Plan A – Doing the Right Thing – four years back. It committed to sourcing all its palm oil, soy, cocoa, beef, leather and coffee only from the most sustainable sources by 2015 and all its timber products from the most responsibly managed sources by 2012.  I hope we will hear more about progress with initiatives like this.</p> <p>Unilever and other members of the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO) have committed to using only palm oil from sources that are certified as being sustainable. </p> <p>British Airways is committed to helping partner companies reach “One Destination” - the name of BA’s responsible air travel endeavour - and is the first airline to declare its forest footprint.</p> <p>I hope great progress is being made against all these commitments!</p> <p>The UK government backs the Forest Footprint Disclosure project. It is an innovative initiative. It helps companies identify more clearly the implications of their investment and their marketing decisions on deforestation. But not just on forests. In the end it is about the billion or so poor people that depend on forests for their livelihoods. Being part of this initiative means we can work together – business, government and non-government organisations – and make a difference to the indigenous and local communities who live at the sharp end of poverty and climate change.</p> None http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Media-Room/Speeches-and-articles/2011/Forest-Footprint-Disclosure-Review-2010/ Stephen O'Brien Forest Footprint Disclosure Review 2010 27 January 2011 Department for International Development launch of the Forest Footprint Disclosure Review
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